[外语类试卷]大学英语四级模拟试卷525及答案与解析.doc
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1、大学英语四级模拟试卷 525及答案与解析 一、 Part I Writing (30 minutes) 1 For this part, you are allowed 30 minutes to write a composition on the topic Changes in the Way People Spent Holidays. You should write at least 120 words according to the outlines given below in Chinese:1上表显示 1993、 1998、 2003年人们的不同度假方式。请描述其变化 2
2、说明发生这些变化的原因 3今后人们的度假方式还可能有怎样的变化 二、 Part II Reading Comprehension (Skimming and Scanning) (15 minutes) Directions: In this part, you will have 15 minutes to go over the passage quickly and answer the questions attached to the passage. For questions 1-7, mark: Y (for YES) if the statement agrees with
3、the information given in the passage; N (for NO) if the statement contradicts the information given in the passage; NG (for NOT GIVEN) if the information is not given in the passage. 1 Like time, space is perceived differently in different cultures. Spatial consciousness in many Western cultures is
4、based on a perception of objects in Space, rather than of space itself. Westerners perceive shapes and dimensions, in which space is a realm of light, color, sight, and touch. Benjamin L. Whorl, in his classic work Language, Thought and Reality, offers the following explanation as one reason why Wes
5、terners perceive space in this manner. Western thought and language mainly developed from the Roman, Latin-speaking, culture, which was a practical, experience-based system. Western culture has generally followed Roman thought patterns in viewing objective “reality“ as the foundation for subjective
6、or “inner“ experience. It was only when the intellectually crude Roman culture became influenced by the abstract thinking of the Greek culture that the Latin language developed a significant vocabulary of abstract, nonspatial terms. But the early Roman-Latin element of spatial consciousness, of conc
7、reteness, has been maintained in Western thought and language patterns, even though the Greek capacity for abstract thinking and expression was also inherited. However, some cultural-linguistic systems developed in the opposite direction, that is, from an abstract and subjective vocabulary to a more
8、 concrete one For example, Whorl tells us that in the Hopi language the word heart, a concrete term, can be shown to be a late formation from the abstract terms think or remember, Similarly, although it seems to Westerners, and especially to Americans, that objective, tangible “reality“ must precede
9、 any subjective or inner experience, in fact, many Asian and other non-European cultures view inner experience as the basis for ones perceptions of physical reality. Thus although Americans are taught to perceive and react to the arrangement of objects in space and to think of space as being “wasted
10、“ unless it is filled with objects, the Japanese are trained to give meaning to space itself and to value “empty“ space. It is not only the East and the West that are different in their patterning of space. We can also see cross-cultural varieties in spatial perception when we look at arrangements o
11、f urban space in different Western cultures. For instance, in the United States, cities are usually laid out along a grid, with the axes generally north/south and east/west. Streets and buildings are numbered sequentially. This arrangement, of course, makes perfect sense to Americans. When Americans
12、 walk in a city like Paris, which is laid out with the main streets radiating from centers, they often get lost. Furthermore, streets in Paris are named, not numbered, and the names often change after a few blocks. It .is amazing to Americans how anyone gets around, yet Parisians seem to do well. Ed
13、ward Hall, in The Silent Language, suggests that the layout of space characteristic of French cities is only one aspect of the theme of centralization that characterizes French culture. Thus Paris is the center of France, French government and educational systems are highly centralized, and in Frenc
14、h offices the most important person has his or her desk in the middle of the office. Another aspect of the cultural patterning of space concerns the functions of spaces. In middle class America, specific spaces are designated for specific activities. Any intrusion of one activity into a space that i
15、t was not designed for is immediately felt as inappropriate. In contrast, in Japan, this case is not true: Walls are movable, and rooms are used for one purpose during the day and another purpose in the evening and at night. In India there is yet another culturally patterned use of space. The functi
16、on of space in India, both in public and in private places, is connected with concepts of superiority and inferiority. In Indian cities, villages, and even within the home, certain spaces are designated as polluted, or inferior, because of the activities that take place there and the kinds of people
17、 who use such spaces. Spaces in India are segregated so that high caste and low caste, males and females, secular and sacred activities are kept apart. This pattern has been used for thousands of years, as demonstrated by the archaeological evidence uncovered in ancient Indian cities. It is a remark
18、ably persistent pattern, even in modern India, where public transportation reserves a separate space for women. For example, Chandigarh is a modern Indian city designed by a French architect. The apartments were built according to European concepts, but the Indians living there found certain aspects
19、 inconsistent with their previous use of living space. Ruth Freed, an anthropologist who worked in India, found that Indian families living in Chandigarh modified their apartments by using curtains to separate the mens and womens spaces. The families also continued to eat in the kitchen, a tradition
20、al pattern, and the living room-dining room was only used when Western guests were present. Traditional Indian village living takes place in an area surrounded by a wall. The courtyard gives privacy to each residence group. Chandigarh apartments, however, were built with large windows, reflecting th
21、e European value of light and sun, so many Chandigarh families pasted paper over the windows to recreate the privacy of the traditional courtyard. Freed suggests that these traditional Indian patterns may represent an adaptation to a densely populated environment. Anthropologists studying various cu
22、ltures as a whole have seen a connection in the way they view both time and space. For example, as we have seen, Americans look on time without activity as “wasted“ and space without objects as “wasted.“ Once again, the Hopi present an interesting contrast. In the English language, any noun for a lo
23、cation or a space may be used on its own and given its own characteristics without any reference being made to another location or space. For example, we can say in English: “The room is big“ or “The north of the United States has cold winters.“ We do not need to indicate that “room“ or “north“ has
24、a relationship to any other word of space or location. But in Hopi, locations or regions of space cannot function by themselves in a sentence. The Hopi cannot say “north“ by itself; they must say “in the north,“ “from the north,“ or in some other way use a directional suffix with the word north. In
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