[考研类试卷]英语翻译基础（英汉互译）模拟试卷7及答案与解析.doc

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1、英语翻译基础（英汉互译）模拟试卷 7 及答案与解析英译汉1 The early 1990s heard much talk of regionalism and the regionalization of world politics. Regional conflicts replaced the global conflict on the world s security agenda. Major powers, such as Russia, China, and the United States, as well as secondary powers, such as Swe

2、den and Turkey, redefined their security interests in explicitly regional terms. Trade within regions expanded faster than trade between regions, and many foresaw the emergence of regional economic blocs, European, North American, East Asian, and perhaps others.The term “ regionalism,“ however, does

3、 not adequately describe what was happening. Regions are geographical not political or cultural entities. As with the Balkans (巴尔干区域) or the Middle East, they may be riven by inter and intracivilization conflicts. Regions are a basis for cooperation among states only to the extent that geography coi

4、ncides with culture. Divorced from culture, propinquity does not yield commonality and may foster just the reverse. Military alliances and economic associations require cooperation among their members, cooperation depends on trust, and trust most easily springs from common values and culture. As a r

5、esult, while age and purpose also play a role, the overall effectiveness of regional organizations generally varies inversely with the civilizational diversity of their membership. By and large, single civilization organizations do more things and are more successful than multicivilizational organiz

6、ations. This is true of both political and security organizations, on the one hand, and economic organizations, on the other.The success of NATO has resulted in large part from its being the central security organization of Western counties with common values and philosophical assumptions. The Weste

7、rn European U-nion is the product of a common European culture. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, on the other hand, includes countries from at least three civilizations with quite different values and interests which pose major obstacles to its developing a significant instit

8、utional identity and a wide range of important activities. The single civilization Caribbean Community, composed of thirteen English-speaking former British colonies, has created an extensive variety of cooperative arrangements, with more intensive cooperation among some sub-groupings.2 Until early

9、in this century, the isolationist tendency prevailed in American foreign policy. Then, two factors projected America into world affairs: its rapidly expanding power, and the gradual collapse of the international system centered on Europe. Two watershed presidencies marked this progression: Theodore

10、Roosevelt s and Woodrow Wilson s. These men held the reins of government when world affairs were drawing a reluctant nation into their vortex. Both recognized that A-merica had a crucial role to play in world affairs though they justified its emergence from isolation with opposite philosophies.Roose

11、velt was a sophisticated analyst of the balance of power. He insisted on an international role for America because its national interest demanded it, and because a global balance of power was inconceivable to him without American participation. For Wilson, the justification of America s internationa

12、l role was messianic: America had an obligation, not to the balance of power, but to spread its principles throughout the world. During the Wilson Administration, America emerged as a key player in world affairs, proclaiming principles which, while reflecting the truisms of American thought, nonethe

13、less marked a revolutionary departure for Old World diplomats. These principles held that peace depends on the spread of democracy, that states should be judged by the same ethical criteria as individuals, and that the national interest consists of adhering to a universal system of law.3 While assem

14、bling a new national security team, President George W. Bush is confronting what could become the biggest challenge of his second term: how to contain Iran s nuclear program and what Americans believe is its support of violence in Israel and insurgents in Iraq.In an eerie repetition of the prelude t

15、o the Iraq, hawks in the administration and congress are trumpeting ominous disclosures about Iran s nuclear capacities to make the case that Iran is a threat that must be confronted, either by economic sanctions, military action, or regime change.But Britain, France and Germany are urging diplomacy

16、, placing their hopes in a deal brokered by the Europeans in the past week in which Iran agreed to suspend its uranium enrichment program in return for discussions about future economic benefits.Secretary of State Colin Powell thrust himself into the debate on Wednesday by commenting to reporters wh

17、ile on the way to Chile that fresh intelligence showed that Iran was “actively working“ on a program to enable its missiles to carry nuclear bombs, a development he said “ should be of concern to all parties.The disclosures alluded to by Powell were seen by hard-liners in the administration as anoth

18、er sign of Iranian perfidy, and by Europeans as nothing new. Although Powell has praised the negotiations between the Europeans and Iran, an administration official said there was “ a steady tightening of outlook between hawks and doves“ that Iran will use the negotiations as a pretext to continue i

19、ts nuclear program in secret.4 We, the Finance Ministers and Central Bank Governors of the G-20, have a common goal of promoting employment, welfare and development in our countries. We are convinced that strong and sustained economic growth is necessary both at national and global level to achieve

20、this end. We have therefore discussed the requirements for long-lasting growth on the basis of our own experience and believe that domestic policy needs to address three tasks; establishing and maintaining monetary and financial stability; enhancing domestic and international competition; and empowe

21、ring people to participate. Transparency and accountability within an internationally agreed framework of codes and standards remain key to ensuring sustained economic growth and stability at the global level. We agreed on the following key elements that will guide our domestic economic policies in

22、the future. In implementing these elements, microeconomic aspects must be given due consideration. As these principles are interlinked, they must be implemented consistently, with due regard to possible trade-offs and complementarities, because many single elements have the potential of blocking the

23、 positive effects of others. While appropriate and credible policies are the basis for economic growth, they need to be backed by high-quality institutions, including ethical standards in corporate governance. Policymakers should build institutions in parallel with engaging in reforms and also ensur

24、e that institutions stay consistent with the requirements of a changing environment. However, given the diversity of institutional settings and the success of different economic strategies among G-20 countries, there is no single template for strong long-term growth. Policies need to be shaped to th

25、e special circumstances in individual countries.5 But if part of the national purpose is to reduce and contain unemployment, arithmetic is not e-nough. We must know which of the basic factors we can control and which we wish to control. Unemployment would have risen more slowly or fallen more rapidl

26、y if productivity had increased more slowly, or the labor force had increased more slowly, or the hours of work had fallen more steeply, or total output had grown more rapidly. These are not independent factors however, and a change in any of them might have caused changes in the others.A society ca

27、n choose to reduce the growth of productivity, and it can probably find ways to frustrate its own creativity. However, while a reduction in the growth of productivity at the expense of potential output might result in higher employment in the short run, the long-run effect on the national interest w

28、ould be disastrous. We must also give consideration to the fact that hidden beneath national averages is continuous movement into, out of, between, and within labor markets. For example, 15 years ago, the average number of persons in the labor force was 74 million, with about 70 million employed and

29、 3. 9 million unemployed. Yet 14 million experienced some term of unemployment in that year. Some were new entrants to the labor force, others were laid off temporarily. The remainder were those who were permanently or indefinitely severed (断绝) from their jobs. Thus, the average number of unemployed

30、 during a year understates the actual volume of involuntary displacement that actually occurs.High unemployment is not an inevitable result of the pace of technological change, but the consequence of passive public policy. We can anticipate a moderate increase in the labor force accompanied by a slo

31、w and irregular decline in hours of work. It follows that the output of the economy and the aggregate demand to buy itmust grow in excess of 4 percent a year just to prevent the unemployment rate from rising, and even greater if the unemployment rate is to fall further. Yet our e-conomy has seldom,

32、if ever, grown at a rate faster than 3. 5 percent for any extended length of time.We have no cause for complacency. Positive fiscal, monetary, and manpower policies will be needed in the future.英语翻译基础（英汉互译）模拟试卷 7 答案与解析英译汉1 【正确答案】 20 世纪 90 年代初，世界政治的地区主义和区域化引起众多讨论。地区冲突取代全球冲突，成为世界安全议程的重要议题。俄、中、美等世界主要大国

33、和瑞典、土耳其等二级国家都对本国的安全利益用明确的地区化术语重新定义。地区内部的贸易比地区之间的贸易发展更为迅速。区域经济集团的出现已经被很多人预见。这些集团包括欧洲、北美、东亚，也可能出现在其他地区。但是，“地区主义 ”这个术语还不足以描述世界正在发生的变化。“地区”通常用来指称地理实体而非政治或文化实体。例如，在巴尔干或中东地区，地区内部的文化冲突可能会使该地区的国家问产生裂痕。只有地理近缘和文化近缘同时满足时，地区才会成为国家之间合作的平台。如果文化存在冲突，地理位置的接近不但不会促成共同体的形成，相反，可能会造成地区的分裂。军事和经济的联盟需要地区内各个成员的合作。这种合作需要建立在相

34、互信任之上，而信任通常衍生于共同的价值取向和文化取向。所以，区域组织的综合效力虽然受时代和自身目标的影响，但通常和成员国文化的多元化程度成反比。大体上看，文化单一的区域组织通常比文化多元的区域组织行事效率更高、更成功。不仅政治和安全方面的区域组织是这样，经济方面的区域组织也是这样。作为西方国家安全联盟的中心，北大西洋公约组织能取得成功，很大程度上归功于这些西方国家价值取向和意识形态上的一致。同样，西欧联盟也是欧洲共同文化的产物。欧洲安全与合作组织则不同。该组织涵盖的国家至少来自三种价值和利益取向都迥然不同的文化。这些文化间的差异成为该组织完善体制、提高自身重要性和广泛开展重要活动过程中的主要障

35、碍。文化单一的加勒比共同体则不同。该组织的十三个成员国都是说英语的国家，都曾是英国的殖民地。该共同体内的成员国达成了广泛的合作协议，其下属的一些亚组织也有着更为密切的合作。【知识模块】 英译汉2 【正确答案】 直到本世纪初，孤立主义倾向在美国外交政策中一直大行其道。后来，两大因素致使美国置身于世界事务之中。其一是它迅猛膨胀的国力，其二是以欧洲为中心的国际体系的渐趋崩溃。两届具有分水岭意义的总统任期标志着这种事态的发展：罗斯福和威尔逊。这两人执掌政府权力之际，正值世界事务正将美国这个不愿介入国际事务的国家卷人它们的漩涡之时。这两位总统均认识到，美国应在世界事务中扮演关键角色，尽管他们用截然相反的

36、两套学说来为美国从孤立状态中脱颖而出寻找依据。罗斯福对均势的分析可谓老谋深算。他坚定不移地认为，美国应扮演某种国际角色，因为美国的国家利益需要这一国际角色，并且对他来说，没有美国参与的全球均势将是无法想象的。对于威尔逊总统来说，美国扮演国际角色的理由更多地带有救世主的色彩：美国不仅仅对均势负有义务，而且也有义务将其自身的原则传播到全球每个角落。威尔逊总统执政其间，美国一跃而成为国际事务中的一个主要角色，到处宣扬其自身的原则。这些原则虽然折射出了美国思想中那些老生常谈的内容，但对于旧世界的外交家而言，仍标志着一种革命性的更弦易辙。美国的这些原则坚持认为，世界和平取决于民主的传播，人们在对国家进行

37、评判时应采用与评判个人相同的道德准则，并且，国家利益在于坚持一套放之四海而皆准的法律体系。【知识模块】 英译汉3 【正确答案】 在组织新的国防班子的同时，小布什也碰到了可能是他连任以来最棘手的问题：遏制伊朗的核计划，在中东支持以色列，还有伊拉克的叛军。仿佛是对伊拉克动武前奏的一个翻版，美国政府和国会的鹰派们又对伊朗的核能力恶言恶语，想让世人相信伊朗是个必须解除的威胁，要么实行经济制裁，要么动武，要么令它改朝换代。但英法德等国却强烈要求通过外交方式解决。它们寄希望于欧洲人与伊朗上周达成的协议：伊朗暂停浓缩铀计划以换取就未来经济利益进行谈判的权利。美国国务卿鲍威尔在周三前往智利的途中向记者发表了自

38、己的看法：伊朗正在积极进行的谋划将使其导弹拥有携带核弹头的能力，伊朗在这方面取得的进展应该引起各方的关注。在美政府强硬派看来，鲍威尔所披露的一些事情是伊朗的又一次背信弃义的行为，而在欧洲人眼里这种言论毫无新意。尽管鲍威尔对欧洲与伊朗的谈判十分赞赏，某政府官员称：鹰派和鸽派都一致认为伊朗会利用这次谈判作为继续秘密进行核计划的幌子。【知识模块】 英译汉4 【正确答案】 我们 G20 成员国的财政部长和央行行长们有着促进本国就业、福利和发展的共同目标。我们相信，只有在国家、全球两个层面上均实现强有力的持续经济增长，这一目标才能达成。因此，我们根据自己的经验，讨论了持久增长的要求，认为国内政策需解决三

39、个任务：建立和维护货币和金融的稳定，推动国内和国际竞争，使人民参与其中。国际规范和标准的框架内部的透明度和问责制仍是确保全球范围内经济持续增长和稳定的关键。我们同意以下几个指导未来国内经济政策的主要因素。落实这些因素时，应充分考虑微观形势。由于这些原则内部相互关联，必须一以贯之，适当顾及到可能的平衡和互补，因为许多单一因素都有可能阻碍其他因素的积极影响。虽然合适可靠的政策是经济增长的基础，他们也需要优良制度的支持，包括公司治理的道德标准。政策制定者应该在改革的同时建立制度，并且确保制度满足不断变化的环境的要求。然而，鉴于制度设定的多样性和 G 一20 国家的不同经济策略的成功，强劲的长期经济增

40、长并没有一个统一的模板。各国需根据自己的具体情况制定政策。【知识模块】 英译汉5 【正确答案】 但是如果政府的目的之一是降低和控制失业率，那么仅仅做些数字统计是远远不够的。我们必须清楚什么基本因素我们能够控制，而我们又想要控制些什么。如果生产力增长、劳动力人数增长比目前更缓慢、或平均劳动时间缩减更多或总产出的增长更迅速，那么，失业率预计将比目前增长更缓慢(或下降更为迅速)。不过这些因素并不是独立存在的，其中任何一个因素的变化都可能引起其他因素的变化。一个社会可能通过包括抑制劳动生产率的增长在内的多种途径，来削减自己的创造能力。这种方法不惜以潜在产出为代价来降低劳动生产率，虽然短期内会带来更高的

41、就业率，但是从长远的影响上来看，这对于国家的利益而言，将是一种灾难性的做法。此外，我们还必须考虑到这样一个事实：低于国家标准的潜在因素会对劳动力市场造成持续影响。例如，在十五年前，平均劳动力人数为七千四百万人，其中大约包括七千万就业人员和三百九十万失业人员。然而，在同一年有一千四百万人经历过一段时间的失业。其中，一些是刚进入社会的新人；有些则是暂时失业的人员；其余的人则是一直处于无业状态。因而，一年内的平均失业率一定程度上揭示了这些容易被人忽视、却又确实存在的现象。高失业率并非技术变革所带来的必然结果，而是消极的政府政策所导致的后果。我们可以预见，就业人数将逐渐增加，而工作时间将随之逐渐缩减，缩减的速度将时快时慢。因而我们可以断定：要想失业率不再攀升，年经济增长率必须超出四个百分点；如果想要失业率再降一些的话，甚至要再高出几个百分点才行。然而我们的经济增长速度很少，甚至从没有长期超过这个百分点。所以，我们没有任何理由骄傲自满。将来我们还需要采取积极的财政、货币以及人力资源政策。【知识模块】 英译汉