[考研类试卷]英语翻译基础(英汉互译)模拟试卷2及答案与解析.doc
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1、英语翻译基础(英汉互译)模拟试卷 2 及答案与解析英译汉1 The news of Roosevelt s death reached Washington in the early afternoon on April 12, 1945. It is hardly necessary to point out the importance of Franklin D. Roosevelt. He was a world figure of monumental proportions. Roosevelt s strength in dealing with foreign leaders
2、stemmed from his e-normous popularity throughout the world, even in countries he had never been in. Yet it cannot be said that he was a likable man. He preferred informal relationships which were informal merely in structure. He could not stand protocol in the accepted sense of the world but was qui
3、ck to resent the slightest departure from the respect normally accorded the President of the United States, and the aura of the office was always around him. Even Hopkins was always respectful and careful in his manner with the president. Roosevelt influenced people by the fact that he was president
4、. Among those who worked with him in the White House for long periods of time, there was real affection for him, but not the kind of human feeling that springs from personal love.In foreign affairs, Roosevelt did his job only moderately well. The methods and techniques that he usually used with cons
5、ummate skill in domestic politics did not fit well in foreign affairs. He relied on his instinctive grasp of the subject, which was good, and his genius for improvisation to find solutions to problems. In domestic affairs, where all elements were under the same national roof and therefore the reacti
6、ons had a pattern of similarity, this technique worked. In foreign affairs, this style meant a lack of precision, which, as people have pointed out, was a serious fault.A deeper knowledge of history and certainly a better understanding of reactions of foreign peoples would have been useful to the pr
7、esident. Helpful, too, would have been more study of the position papers prepared by American conviction that the other fellow is a “ good guy“ who will respond properly and decently if you treat him right.2 Globalization is transforming the world. While it brings great benefits to some countries an
8、d individualsa backlash has arisen because these benefits are distributed so unequally and because the global market is not yet underpinned by values and rules that address key social concerns such as the protection of human rights, labor standards and the environment. Globalization has also, unwitt
9、ingly , made it easier for what I have called “uncivil society“crime, terrorism, drug and arms-traffickingto move across borders. Our challenge today is to make globalization an engine that lifts people out of hardship and misery, not a force that holds them down.The past half century had brought un
10、precedented economic gains. Most people today can expect to live longer than their parents. They are better nourished, enjoy better health, are better educated, and on the whole face more favorable economic prospects. But there is also widespread deprivation and despair. More than 1 billion people m
11、ust survive on less than $ 1 a day. Striking inequality persists within and among countries. Diseases such as AIDS and malaria threaten to undo years of progress. Worsening the poverty gap is the “digital divide“ between the technology-rich and the technology-poor. At a time when information and kno
12、wledge have become the main source of wealth and power, half the developing world s people have never made or received a telephone call, much less used a computer. Bringing these people into the mainstream is one of our biggest projects.3 Unemployment in America is high, and elections are on the hor
13、izon. It must be time to look east again for scapegoats. Japan is only starting to recover from its protracted recession, so China will be handed the role of economic villain in the coming U. S. election cycle. Expect to hear a chorus of presidential candidates blame unfair Chinese competition for A
14、merica s manufacturing woes.China s trading partners do have legitimate grievances, but it would be irresponsible and inaccurate for American politicians to pin the United States economic sluggishness on scheming culprits in Beijing. Traveling in Asia in October, Treasury Secretary John Snow heeded
15、political pressures back home in exhorting Chinese leaders to let the market price their currency. This is a desirable outcome in the long run, but a raft of immediate caveats come to mind.China s financial system remains fragile, and sudden currency volatility could lead to a banking crisis that co
16、uld sell disaster for the world economy. Washington would do better to urge China s leaders to focus on their lack of preparation to assume their proper role in the world s financial order, rather than to demand any supposedly quick fix. Moreover, China s refusal to devalue its currency in the after
17、math of the late 1990 s crises in East Asiamuch appreciated by its neighbors and Washington at a time when the yuan seemed overvaluedadds credence to Beijing s insistence that it prizes stability when it comes to exchange rates, not short-term advantage. With most economists concerned that China s r
18、obust growth could fuel inflation and a speculative bubble, there are valid reasons for Beijing to fear a surging currency.4 Economists have long been a natural constituency in favor of growth. Since even the richest country has limited resources, the central economic problem is choice: Shall we fun
19、d tax cuts for the rich or investment in infrastructure and research and development, war in Iraq or assistance for the poor in developing countries and our own? By providing more total resources, growth should, in theory, make these choices less painful.The United States, however, has powerfully de
20、monstrated that while growth increases supply, it also raises aspirations. Choices that rich countries have to make thus seem to be no easier than those confronting poor countries, even though the tradeoffs are more heart-wrenching in the case of the poor. Brazil, for example, must choose whether to
21、 use its limited health budget to pay full-market price for AIDS drugs; some AIDS victims may live as a result, but people in need of other health care will die, because money that could have been spent on their needs is simply not there. More growth-provided resources, in this instance, mean the di
22、fference between life and death.Still, growth has had its critics. There is a well-developed populist antigrowth literature concerned with, among other things, the impact of growth on the environment and on poverty. Historically, economists have questioned whether, at least in the early stages of de
23、velopment, growth is accompanied by societal goods such as greater equality and a better environment. Nobel Prize-winning economist Simon Kuznets(西蒙.库兹列茨)argued, based on experiences largely before World War II, that there is an increase in inequality in the early stages of development. Arthur Lewis
24、, another Nobel economist, went further: greater inequality, he argued, is necessary to generate the savings that growth requires. A later generation of economists has posited the existence of an environmental Kuznets curve: the early stages of growth cause environmental degradation, not environment
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