[外语类试卷]口译二级综合能力（听原文写综述）模拟试卷1及答案与解析.doc

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1、口译二级综合能力（听原文写综述）模拟试卷 1及答案与解析 一、 PART 4 (20 points) Listen to the following passage. Write a short English summary of around 150-200 words of what you have heard. You will hear the passage only ONCE and you will have 25 minutes to finish you English summary. This part of test carries 20 points. You m

2、ay need to scribble a few notes in order to write your summary satisfactorily. 口译二级综合能力（听原文写综述）模拟试卷 1答案与解析 一、 PART 4 (20 points) Listen to the following passage. Write a short English summary of around 150-200 words of what you have heard. You will hear the passage only ONCE and you will have 25 min

3、utes to finish you English summary. This part of test carries 20 points. You may need to scribble a few notes in order to write your summary satisfactorily. 1 【听力原 文】 Democrats have often feared big money in American politics, perhaps because most of it doesnt go their way. When the Supreme Courts t

4、ruck down the caps on aggregate campaign donations last week, Republicans, broadly speaking, cheered and Democrats jeered. In the 2012 election cycle, four of the five biggest donors to super PACs independent groups that raise money, often from the extremely rich, and spend it on outlandish politica

5、l advertising were Republicans. Tom Steyer, a San Francisco-based billionaire who worries about climate change, is doing his best to help his fellow Democrats get over their qualms. Perhaps best known for his opposition to the proposed Keystone XL oil pipeline, Mr. Steyer, a former hedge-fund invest

6、or, was the biggest super PAC spender last year, dropping $ 11.1 million into his two groups. This year he looks likely to repeat that feat, hinting that he will invest at least $50 million in one of them, the Next Gen Climate Action Committee (NGCA), and that he will be seeking the same amount from

7、 other donors. The money will be spent to help elect politicians who share Mr. Steyers environmental views, or kick out those who do not. In Novembers mid-term elections, all 435 seats in the House of Representatives and 36 in the Senate will be up for grabs. So will 36 governorships and countless s

8、tate legislative seats. For NGCA to spend on any given race, says Mr. Steyer, three conditions must apply. First, the leading candidates must have differing views on climate change (so Democratic fans of Keystone should be safe; their Republican opponents probably agree with them). Second, “somethin

9、g substantive“ must have a chance of happening if the NGCA-backed candidate wins. Third, the race should have the potential to affect the national climate debate. That conversation has been stalled since a Democratic cap-and-trade bill died in the Senate in 2010. Nor is major environmental legislati

10、on likely in the next Congress (although Barack Obama is pursuing various emissions-reduction schemes through the Environmental Protection Agency). That is why Mr. Steyer expects state races to occupy “the bulk“ of his efforts this year. Rick Scott, the Republican governor of Florida, who has doubte

11、d the science of global warming, can expect to feel it, for example. The same may go for Tom Corbett, facing a tight reelection race for governor in Pennsylvania. The team is also looking closely at regional climate-change schemes. Mr. Steyer likes the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, a shared ef

12、fort between nine states in the north-east to reduce carbon emissions from power stations, and could intervene in elections in states that are considering joining. Out West, last October Mr. Steyer helped broker the Pacific Coast Action Plan on Climate and Energy, a non-binding agreement between thr

13、ee American states and British Columbia in Canada. But sceptical legislatures in Oregon and Washington state have blocked bills that could turn words into action, such as carbon pricing, and so these too are likely to be targets (although a Steyer-backed Democratic candidate for the Washington Senat

14、e flopped last November). California, Mr. Steyers home state, has proved more willing to press ahead. Its cap-and-trade market, for example, has been operating smoothly for over a year; Quebec joined in January. 1 【正确答案】 Democrats have often feared big money in American politics, perhaps because mos

15、t of it doesnt go their way. When the Supreme Courts truck down the caps on aggregate campaign donations last week, Republicans, broadly speaking, cheered and Democrats jeered. In the 2012 election cycle, four of the five biggest donors to super PACs independent groups that raise money, often from t

16、he extremely rich, and spend it on outlandish political advertising were Republicans. Tom Steyer, a San Francisco-based billionaire who worries about climate change, is doing his best to help his fellow Democrats get over their qualms. Perhaps best known for his opposition to the proposed Keystone X

17、L oil pipeline, Mr. Steyer, a former hedge-fund investor, was the biggest super PAC spender last year, dropping $ 11. 1 million into his two groups. This year he looks likely to repeat that feat, hinting that he will invest at least $ 50 million in one of them, the Next Gen Climate Action Committee

18、(NGCA), and that he will be seeking the same amount from other donors. The money will be spent to help elect politicians who share Mr. Steyers environmental views, or kick out those who do not. In Novembers mid-term elections, all 435 seats in the House of Representatives and 36 in the Senate will b

19、e up for grabs. So will 36 governorships and countless state legislative seats. For NGCA to spend on any given race, says Mr. Steyer, three conditions must apply. First, the leading candidates must have differing views on climate change (so Democratic fans of Keystone should be safe; their Republica

20、n opponents probably agree with them). Second, “something substantive“ must have a chance of happening if the NGCA-backed candidate wins. Third, the race should have the potential to affect the national climate debate. That conversation has been stalled since a Democratic cap-and-trade bill died in

21、the Senate in 2010. Nor is major environmental legislation likely in the next Congress (although Barack Obama is pursuing various emissions-reduction schemes through the Environmental Protection Agency). That is why Mr. Steyer expects state races to occupy “the bulk“ of his efforts this year. Rick S

22、cott, the Republican governor of Florida, who has doubted the science of global warming, can expect to feel it, for example. The same may go for Tom Corbett, facing a tight reelection race for governor in Pennsylvania. The team is also looking closely at regional climate-change schemes. Mr. Steyer l

23、ikes the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, a shared effort between nine states in the north-east to reduce carbon emissions from power stations, and could intervene in elections in states that are considering joining. Out West, last October Mr. Steyer helped broker the Pacific Coast Action Plan on

24、 Climate and Energy, a non-binding agreement between three American states and British Columbia in Canada. But sceptical legislatures in Oregon and Washington state have blocked bills that could turn words into action, such as carbon pricing, and so these too are likely to be targets (although a Ste

25、yer-backed Democratic candidate for the Washington Senate flopped last November). California, Mr. Steyers home state, has proved more willing to press ahead. Its cap-and-trade market, for example, has been operating smoothly for over a year; Quebec joined in January. 【试题解析】 本文主要谈论了竞选运动的赞助人 Tom Steye

26、r投人大笔竞选资金来选择那些支持自己关于大气变化观点的政客竞选，从而使自己的环保计划能够顺利地得以实施。这就涉及四个主要问题：一、 Tom Steyer是谁 ?二、他是如何运作竞选资金的 ?三、他如何选择被资助的对象 ?四、他的 目标。 重点一： Tom Steyer是谁 ? Tom Steyer, a San Francisco-based billionaire who worries about climate change, is doing his best to help his fellow Democrats get over their qualms. 1. Billiona

27、ire 2. who worries about climate change 3. be capable of helping his candidates out of trouble 重点二：他是如何运作竞选资金的 .he will invest at least $50 million in one of them, the Next Gen Climate Action Committee (NGCA), and that he will be seeking the same amount from other donors. The money will be spent to

28、help elect politicians who share Mr. Steyers environmental views, or kick out those who do not. 1. Next Gen Climate Action Committee (NGCA) 2. .help elect politicians who share Mr. Steyers environmental views, or kick out those who do not 重点三：他选择资助对象的三条标准 For NGCA to spend on any given race, says Mr

29、. Steyer, three conditions must apply. First, the leading candidates must have differing views on climate change. Second, “something substantive“ must have a chance of happening if the NGCA-backed candidate wins. Third, the race should have the potential to affect the national climate debate. That c

30、onversation has been stalled since a Democratic cap-and-trade bill died in the Senate in 2010. 次重点： Rick Scott, the Republican governor of Florida, who has doubted the science of global warming, can expect to feel it, for example. The same may go for Tom Corbett, facing a tight reelection race for g

31、overnor in Pennsylvania. The team is also looking closely at regional climate-change schemes. 重点四：他的目标 Mr. Steyer likes the Regional Greenhouse Gas Initiative, a shared effort between nine states in the north-east to reduce carbon emissions from power stations, and could intervene in elections in st

32、ates that are considering joining. 【知识模块】 听原文写综述 2 【听力原文】 When the man most likely to be Americas next ambassador to Russia, John Tefft, moves into the stately Spaso House embassy in Moscow, he will dwell there amid the iciest relations between the Kremlin and Washington since the dark days of the I

33、ron Curtain. But Washingtons new representative in Moscow, a career diplomat who is a former top envoy to Georgia, Lithuania and Ukraine, will also live in a Russia whose place in the post-Soviet order screams less Cold War and more hot mess. Tefft, 64, “is one of the finest experts on Russia and th

34、e post-Soviet states in the past three decades,“ says a U. S. ambassador to NATO in the last decade and undersecretary of state for political affairs from 2005 to 2008. “But Putin has made up his mind on Ukraine, so it would be feckless“ to expect Tefft to help his country dislodge Russia from Crime

35、a, the part of Ukraine it annexed in February and March. For Tefft, who, a State Department source says, is being summoned out of retirement after exiting the State Department last August when his ambassadorship to Ukraine ended, this is not your grandfathers Cold War. As the Obama administration is

36、sues “blacklist“ sanctions against Russian President Putins inner circle in retaliation for his Crimean land grab, Tefft faces growing resistance from American oil and consumer-goods companies with multibillion-dollar interests in the region. Adding to the pressure is foot-dragging by Europe, whose

37、tepid sanctions highlight the spoiler role that major U. S. allies with big trade ties to Russia can play since the Soviet Unions collapse in 1991. In early April, the burly Tefft made a behind-the-scenes round of analysts in Moscow to gauge the Kremlins increasingly anti-American mood, according to

38、 private sector sources with whom he met. Currently the executive director of the Rand Business Leaders Forum, a clubby lobbying group focused on strategic issues involving Russia, the U. S. and Europe, Tefft declined to speak with a reporter, citing the diplomatic approval process now in process. A

39、 White House spokeswoman also declined to comment. The biggest conflict between Russia and the United States since the end of the Cold War comes as the American ambassadors seat has sat functionally empty for more than three months. Although, since the Ukrainian crisis, all meaningful diplomacy with

40、 Russia is now conducted not at the ambassadorial level but between senior government ministers and officials, Tefft still “has an opportunity for much bolder diplomacy to drop in“. Teffts imminent appointment comes after years of American neglect of Russia as a force to contend with. President Bara

41、ck Obamas move in 2009 to push a reset button aimed at gaining cooperation from the Kremlin on strategic issues such as Iraq, Iran, Afghanistan and, later, Syria, got off to a famously bad start when then-Secretary of State Hillary Clinton presented Russian Foreign Minister, still in his job under P

42、utin, with a red button that said not “reset“ but “overload“. 2 【正确答案】 When the man most likely to be Americas next ambassador to Russia, John Tefft, moves into the stately Spaso House embassy in Moscow, he will dwell there amid the iciest relations between the Kremlin and Washington since the dark

43、days of the Iron Curtain. But Washingtons new representative in Moscow, a career diplomat who is a former top envoy to Georgia, Lithuania and Ukraine, will also live in a Russia whose place in the post-Soviet order screams less Cold War and more hot mess. Tefft, 64, “ is one of the finest experts on

44、 Russia and the post-Soviet states in the past three decades,“ says a U. S. ambassador to NATO in the last decade and undersecretary of state for political affairs from 2005 to 2008. “But Putin has made up his mind on Ukraine, so it would be feckless“ to expect Tefft to help his country dislodge Rus

45、sia from Crimea, the part of Ukraine it annexed in February and March. For Tefft, who, a State Department source says, is being summoned out of retirement after exiting the State Department last August when his ambassadorship to Ukraine ended, this is not your grandfathers Cold War. As the Obama adm

46、inistration issues “blacklist“ sanctions against Russian President Putins inner circle in retaliation for his Crimean land grab, Tefft faces growing resistance from American oil and consumer-goods companies with multibillion-dollar interests in the region. Adding to the pressure is foot-dragging by

47、Europe, whose tepid sanctions highlight the spoiler role that major U. S. allies with big trade ties to Russia can play since the Soviet Unions collapse in 1991. In early April, the burly Tefft made a behind-the-scenes round of analysts in Moscow to gauge the Kremlins increasingly anti-American mood

48、, according to private sector sources with whom he met. Currently the executive director of the Rand Business Leaders Forum, a clubby lobbying group focused on strategic issues involving Russia, the U. S. and Europe, Tefft declined to speak with a reporter, citing the diplomatic approval process now

49、 in process. A White House spokeswoman also declined to comment. The biggest conflict between Russia and the United States since the end of the Cold War comes as the American ambassadors seat has sat functionally empty for more than three months. Although, since the Ukrainian crisis, all meaningful diplomacy with Russia is now conducted not at the ambassadorial level but between senior government ministers and officials, Tefft still “has an opportunity for much bolder diplomacy to drop in“. Teffts imminent appointment comes after years of American