[外语类试卷]大学英语六级模拟试卷229及答案与解析.doc
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1、大学英语六级模拟试卷 229及答案与解析 一、 Part I Writing (30 minutes) 1 Directions: For this part, you are allowed 30 minutes to write a short essay entitled Students Union, Associations and Personal Development. You should write at least 150 words following the outline given below 1. 大学里学生会和各种社团的现状 2参加学生会和各种社团对个人发展的
2、作用 3我的观念中大学生对待学生会和社团活动的正确态度 Students Union, Associations and Personal Development 二、 Part II Reading Comprehension (Skimming and Scanning) (15 minutes) Directions: In this part, you will have 15 minutes to go over the passage quickly and answer the questions attached to the passage. For questions 1-
3、4, mark: Y (for YES) if the statement agrees with the information given in the passage; N (for NO) if the statement contradicts the information given in the passage; NG (for NOT GIVEN) if the information is not given in the passage. 1 Rich North, Hungry South A few years ago, the rich worlds worry a
4、bout economic interaction with developing countries was that the poor could not profit from it. So unbalanced were terms of exchange between the Norths mighty industries and the Souths weakling sweatshops that trade between the two could be nothing more than exploitation of the one by the other: far
5、 from helping the poor countries, global integration would actually deepen their poverty. This fear has now given way to a pessimism that is equal and opposite namely, that trade with the developing world will impoverish todays rich countries. Like the previous scare, this view contains an iota of t
6、ruth enough to lend plausibility. Also like its processor, it is a hysterical exaggeration. However, this new fear is more dangerous than the old one. The earlier scare tacitly affirmed that the industrial countries would suffer if they cut their links with the third world. Starting from there, camp
7、aigning in the North to restrict trade with developing countries was going to be an uphill straggle. Those who oppose deeper economic integration now have a better platform. Vital interests oblige the rich countries to protect their industries from the new onslaught. Unlike its processor, this idea
8、may sell. The grip that this thinking already has on popular opinion owes little to economic history or principles. The new fear, like the old one, express the conviction that growth in one part of the world must somehow come at the expense of another. This is a deeply rooted prejudice, and plainly
9、wrong. Very nearly all of the world is more prosperous now than it was 30 years ago. Growth has been a story of mutual advance, not redistribution; and where living standards have not improved in recent decades (notably, in parts of Africa), excessive integration in the international economy has not
10、 been the cause. Lending useful support to this first error is a second the idea that there is only so much work to go round. If new technologies render some jobs obsolete, or if an increase in the supply of cheap imports makes other jobs uneconomic, the result must be a permanent rise in unemployme
11、nt. Again, on a moments reflection, this is wrong: otherwise, technological progress this century would have pushed unemployment rates in the industrial countries to something in excess of 95%. At the core of both fallacies is blindness to the adaptive power of a market economy. When todays rich eco
12、nomies were predominantly agricultural, it seemed certain that rapidly rising farm productivity (thanks to new technology) would create a permanent army of unemployed. In the days of labor-intensive manufacturing, the same fears were expressed about labor-saving technology in the factory. Farm emplo
13、yment in the industrial countries has dwindled to nearly nothing: manufacturing employment in America now stands at a mere 15% of the labor-force. But other jobs have taken their place. As a result, these changes have happened alongside indeed, they have been part and parcel of an extraordinarily ra
14、pid, persistent and widely shared improvement in living standards. Yet it does not suffice to refute elementary fallacies. Sophisticated alarmists avoid them (taking care, obviously, not to educate their listeners). But carefully, their case goes as follows. The breadth and intensity of third-world
15、competition is increasing. The pressure is concentrated on particular parts of the economy for the moment, on low-skill manufacturing. Wages there are being forced down and jobs lost. This change will accelerate. Modem societies (with weak ties of family and religion) are no longer equipped to withs
16、tand such strains. The result will be great social distress. This argument rests on a series of claims that need to be examined one by one. One survey does this at length. It agrees that in many industries the developing countries are offering much stiffer competition than before, and that this will
17、 continue. It also agrees that the wages and jobs of low-skilled workers are under pressure as a result. But it argues, first, that these effects have been overdone. Third-world incomes are automatically regulated by international differences in productivity; the faster their advantage in cheap labo
18、r will be eroded. Moreover, that advantage has itself been exaggerated. Labor costs are only a small part of total costs, especially in manufacturing; in other respects in complementary physical and human capital the poor countries will remain at a big disadvantage for years. So the pressures have b
19、een overstated. On the other hand, what the industrial countries stand to gain from faster growth in the third world has been altogether ignored. Stronger competition will push rich-country producers to invest more and improve their efficiency; expanding markets for rich-country exports will allow t
20、hem to reap new economies of scale. Even more important is the direct effect that greater productivity in the third world will have on the Norths standard of living. Cheaper imports mean lower prices and, hence, higher real incomes. The potential gain is large. In the aggregate, the economic benefit
21、s to the North from faster growth in the third world seem certain to outweigh the costs. Remember the gains to the worlds poor countries and the global benefits are immense. And yet, you might ask, What consolation is this to the rich countries losers? Perhaps the social costs for the North are so g
22、reat that the economic gain should be refused. Suppose this is right, it would follow that new technology ought to be resisted with even greater urgency than imports from the third world. Technological progress, after all, is an even more powerful engine of economic change. It asks the citizens of r
23、ich countries to strike the same bargain they are offered by faster growth in the developing world: in the aggregate, it benefits them, but there are losers along the way. Ross Perot and the other leading alarmists on third world growth have not yet argued for prohibitive taxes on all forms of labor
24、-saving innovation. This can only be an oversight. Innovation remains the greater threat social harmony and believing this requires no imagination. Machines have been destroying jobs, wrecking communities and spreading misery for centuries. Doubtless, some argue seriously for a punitive innovation t
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