专业八级-484及答案解析.doc

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1、专业八级-484 及答案解析(总分：100.00，做题时间：90 分钟)一、READING COMPREHENSIO(总题数：5，分数：100.00)Harry Truman didn“t think his successor had the right training to be president. “Poor Ikeit won“t be a bit like the Army,“ he said. “He“ll sit there all day saying “do this, do that,“ and nothing will happen.“ Truman was wron

2、g about Ike. Dwight Eisenhower had led a fractious allianceyou didn“t tell Winston Churchill what to doin a massive, chaotic war. He was used to politics. But Truman“s insight could well be applied to another, even more venerated Washington figure: the CEO-turned cabinet secretary. A 20-year bull ma

3、rket has convinced us all that CEOs are geniuses, so watch with astonishment the troubles of Donald Rumsfeld and Paul O“Neill. Here are two highly regarded businessmen, obviously intelligent and well-informed, foundering in their jobs. Actually, we shouldn“t be surprised. Rumsfeld and O“Neill are no

4、t doing badly despite having been successful CEOs but because of it. The record of senior businessmen in government is one of almost unrelieved disappointment. In fact, with the exception of Robert Rubin, it is difficult to think of a CEO who had a successful career in government. Why is this? Well,

5、 first the CEO has to recognize that he is no longer the CEO. He is at best an adviser to the CEO, the president. But even the president is not really the CEO. No one is. Power in a corporation is concentrated and vertically structured. Power in Washington is diffuse and horizontally spread out. The

6、 secretary might think he“s in charge of his agency. But the chairman of the congressional committee funding that agency feels the same. In his famous study “Presidential Power and the Modern Presidents,“ Richard Neustadt explains how little power the president actually has and concludes that the on

7、ly lasting presidential power is “the power to persuade.“ Take Rumsfeld“s attempt to transform the cold-war military into one geared for the future. It“s innovative but deeply threatening to almost everyone in Washington. The Defense secretary did not try to sell it to the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Con

8、gress, the budget office or the White House. As a result, the idea is collapsing. Second, what power you have, you must use carefully. For example, O“Neill“s position as Treasury secretary is one with little formal authority. Unlike Finance ministers around the world, Treasury does not control the b

9、udget. But it has symbolic power. The secretary is seen as the chief economic spokesman for the administration and, if he plays it right, the chief economic adviser for the president. O“Neill has been publicly critical of the IMF“s bailout packages for developing countries while at the same time app

10、roving such packages for Turkey, Argentina and Brazil. As a result, he has gotten the worst of both worlds. The bailouts continue, but their effect in holstering investor confidence is limited because the markets are rattled by his skepticism. Perhaps the government doesn“t do bailouts well. But tha

11、t leads to a third rule: you can“t just quit. Jack Welch“s famous law for re-engineering General Electric was to be first or second in any given product category, or else get out of that business. But if the government isn“t doing a particular job at peak level, it doesn“t always have the option of

12、relieving itself of that function. The Pentagon probably wastes a lot of money. But it can“t get out of the national-security business. The key to former Treasury secretary Rubin“s success may have been that he fully understood that business and government are, in his words, “necessarily and properl

13、y very different.“ In a recent speech he explained, “Business functions around one predominate organizing principle, profitability. Government, on the other hand, deals with a vast number of equally legitimate and often potentially competing objectivesfor example, energy production versus environmen

14、tal protection, or safety regulations versus productivity.“ Rubin“s example shows that talented people can do well in government if they are willing to treat it as its own separate, serious endeavour. But having been bathed in a culture of adoration and flattery, it“s difficult for a CEO to believe

15、he needs to listen and learn, particularly from those despised and poorly paid specimens, politicians, bureaucrats and the media. And even if he knows it intellectually, he just can“t live with it.（分数：20.00）(1).Which of the following is NOT true about Ike?（分数：5.00）A.He was the successor to President

16、 Harry Truman.B.He once worked together with Winston Churchill.C.He had been a CEO in an international company.D.He had been a commander of the allied forces.(2).In commenting on O“Neill“s record as Treasury Secretary, the passage seems to indicate that -|_|-.（分数：5.00）A.O“Neill has failed to use his

17、 power wellB.O“Neill“s policies were well receivedC.O“Neill has been consistent in his policiesD.O“Neill is uncertain about the package he“s approved(3).The author seems to suggest that CEO-turned government officials -|_|-.（分数：5.00）A.are able to fit into their new rolesB.are unlikely to adapt to th

18、eir new rolesC.can respond to new situations intelligentlyD.may feel uncertain in their new posts(4).Why did Rumsfeld“s attempt to reform the US military fail?（分数：5.00）Farmers in the developing world hate price fluctuations. It makes it hard to plan ahead. But most of them have little choice: they s

19、ell at the price the market sets. Farmers in Europe, the U.S. and Japan are luckier: they receive massive government subsidies in the form of guaranteed prices or direct handouts. Last month U.S. President Bush signed a new farm bill that gives American farmers $190 billion over the next 10 years, o

20、r $83 billion more than they had been scheduled to get, and pushes U.S. agricultural support close to crazy European levels. Bush said the step was necessary to “promote farmer independence and preserve the farm way of life for generations“. It is also designed to help the Republican Party win contr

21、ol of the Senate in November“s mid-term elections. Agricultural production in most poor countries accounts for up to 50% of GDP, compared to only 3% in rich countries. But most farmers in poor countries grow just enough for themselves and their families. Those who try exporting to the West find thei

22、r goods whacked with huge tariffs or competing against cheaper subsidized goods. In 1999 the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development concluded that for each dollar developing countries receive in aid they lose up to $14 just because of trade barriers imposed on the export of their manufac

23、tured goods. It“s not as if the developing world wants any favours, says Gerald Ssendawula, Uganda“s Minister of Finance. “What we want is for the rich countries to let us compete.“ Agriculture is one of the few areas in which the Third World can compete. Land and labour are cheap, and as farming me

24、thods develop, new technologies should improve output. This is no pie-in-the-sky speculation. The biggest success in Kenya“s economy over the past decade has been the boom in exports of cut flowers and vegetables to Europe. But that may all change in 2008, when Kenya will be slightly too rich to qua

25、lify for the “least-developed country“ status that allows African producers to avoid paying stiff European import duties on selected agricultural products. With trade barriers in place, the horticulture industry in Kenya will shrivel as quickly as a discarded rose. And while agriculture exports rema

26、in the great hope for poor countries, reducing trade barriers in other sectors also works: America“s African Growth and Opportunity Act, which cuts duties on exports of everything from handicrafts to shoes, has proved a boon to Africa“s manufacturers. The lesson: the Third World can prosper if the r

27、ich world gives it a fair go. This is what makes Bush“s decision to increase farm subsidies last month all the more depressing. Poor countries have long suspected that the rich world urges trade liberalization only so it can wangle its way into new markets. Such suspicions caused the Seattle trade t

28、alks to break down three years ago. But last November members of the World Trade Organization, meeting in Doha, Qatar, finally agreed to a new round of talks designed to open up global trade in agriculture and textiles. Rich countries assured poor countries, that their concerns were finally being ad

29、dressed. Bush“s handout last month makes a lie of America“s commitment to those talks and his personal devotion to free trade.（分数：20.00）(1).By comparison, farmers -|_|- receive more government subsidies than others.（分数：5.00）A.in the developing worldB.in JapanC.in EuropeD.in America(2).In addition to

30、 the economic considerations, there is a -|_|- motive behind Bush“s signing of the new farm bill.（分数：5.00）A.partisanB.socialC.financialD.cultural(3).The message the writer attempts to convey throughout the passage is that -|_|-.（分数：5.00）A.poor countries should be given equal opportunities in tradeB.

31、“the least-developed country“ status benefits agricultural countriesC.poor countries should remove their suspicions about trade liberalizationD.farmers in poor countries should also receive the benefit of subsidies(4).What is the writer“s attitude towards new farm subsidies in the U.S.?（分数：5.00）The

32、banners are packed, the tickets booked. The glitter and white overalls have been bought, the gas masks just fit and the mobile phones are ready. All that remains is to get to the parties. This week will see a feast of pan-European protests. It started on Bastille Day, last Saturday, with the French

33、unions and immigrants on the streets and the first demonstrations in Britain and Germany about climate change. It will continue tomorrow and Thursday with environmental and peace rallies against President Bush. But the big one is in Genoa, on Friday and Saturday, where the G8 leaders will meet behin

34、d the lines of 18,000 heavily armed police. Unlike Prague, Gothenburg, Cologne or Nice, Genoa is expected to be Europe“s Seattle, the coming together of the disparate strands of resistance to corporate globalisation. Neither the protesters nor the authorities know what will happen, but some things a

35、re predictable. Yes, there will be violence and yes, the mass media will focus on it. What should seriously concern the G8 is not so much the violence, the numbers in the streets or even that they themselves look like idiots hiding behind the barricades, but that the deep roots of a genuine new vers

36、ion of internationalism are growing. For the first time in a generation, the international political and economic condition is in the dock. Moreover, the protesters are unlikely to go away, their confidence is growing rather than waning, their agendas are merging, the protests are spreading and draw

37、ing in all ages and concerns. No single analysis has drawn all the strands of the debate together. In the meantime, the global protest “movement“ is developing its own language, texts, agendas, myths, heroes and villains. Just as the G8 leaders, world bodies and businesses talk increasingly from the

38、 same script, so the protesters“ once disparate political and social analyses are converging. The long-term project of governments and world bodies to globalise capital and development is being mirrored by the globalisation of protest. But what happens next? Governments and world bodies are unsure w

39、hich way to turn. However well they are policed, major protests reinforce the impression of indifferent elites, repression of debate, overreaction to dissent, injustice and unaccountable power. Their optionsapart from actually embracing the broad agenda being put to themare to retreat behind even hi

40、gher barricades, repress dissent further, abandon global meetings altogether or, more likely, meet only in places able to physically resist the masses. Brussels is considering building a super fortress of international meetings. Genoa may be the last of the European super-protests.（分数：20.00）(1).Acco

41、rding to the passage, what is most characteristic of the protest against the G8 meetings in Genoa?（分数：5.00）A.It started last Saturday and will last a long time.B.It involves much violence with a great number of protesters.C.It takes thousands of heavily armed police to protect the G8 leaders.D.It sy

42、mbolizes the merging of disparate global protests.(2).According to the passage, economic globalisation is paralleled by -|_|-.（分数：5.00）A.the emerging differences in the global protest movementB.the disappearing differences in the global protest movementC.the growing European concern about globalisat

43、ionD.the increase in the number of protesters(3).According to the last paragraph, what is Brussels considering doing?（分数：5.00）A.Meeting in places difficult to reach.B.Further repressing dissent.C.Accepting the protesters“ agenda.D.Abandoning global meetings.(4).According to the context, what does th

44、e word “parties“ at the end of the first paragraph refer to?（分数：5.00）How do we recognize fear in another person? Scientists have long known that the amygdala, an almond-shaped part of the brain, is critical for the perception of fear. But exactly what role it plays in recognizing facial expressions

45、has remained a mystery. A new study shows that the amygdala actively seeks out potentially important information in the face of another person. In particular, it focuses our attention on a person“s eyes, the facial features most likely to register fear. “These findings provide a much more abstract a

46、nd general account of what the amygdala does,“ Ralph Adolphs said. Adolphs is a professor of psychology and neuroscience at Caltech University in Pasadena, California, and the University of Iowa in Iowa City. Adolphs“s study focuses on a 38-year-old woman with an amygdala that is damaged from a rare

47、 genetic disease. As a result, she is unable to recognize fear in people“s facial expressions. However, the scientists have found that she is able to recognize fear if instructed to concentrate her attention on a person“s eyes. Adolphs says the research could help those who suffer from other disorde

48、rs such as autism, which can dull some people“s ability to discern important facial signals. The study is published in this week“s issue of the science journal Nature . Adolphs and his colleagues have studied the woman, known as SM, for more than a decade. She has a brain lesion in the amygdala. Not

49、 only can she not recognize fear, but she also fails to judge how trustworthy people look. To find out how a person perceives fear in other people, the scientists had study participants look at photographs of fearful and happy faces through holes that revealed only small parts of the images. People with normal brains always looked immediately at the eye region of a faceeven more so when the face was fearful. SM, on the other hand, failed to spontaneously look at the eyes, instead staring straight a