【考研类试卷】考研英语(一)-21及答案解析.doc

《【考研类试卷】考研英语(一)-21及答案解析.doc》由会员分享，可在线阅读，更多相关《【考研类试卷】考研英语(一)-21及答案解析.doc（16页珍藏版）》请在麦多课文档分享上搜索。

1、考研英语(一)-21 及答案解析(总分：100.00，做题时间：90 分钟)一、Reading Comprehensio(总题数：0，分数：0.00)三、Text 1(总题数：1，分数：20.00)In a rare unanimous ruling, the US Supreme Court has overturned the corruption conviction of a former Virginia governor, Robert McDonnell. But it did so while holding its nose at the ethics of his cond

2、uct , which included accepting gifts such as a Rolex watch and a Ferrari automobile from a company seeking access to government. The high court“s decision said the judge in Mr. McDonnell“s trail failed to tell a jury that it must look only at his “official acts,“ or the former governor“s decisions o

3、n “specific“ and “unsettled“ issues related to his duties. Merely helping a gift-giver gain access to other officials, unless done with clear intent to pressure those officials, is not corruption, the justices found. The court did suggest that accepting favors in return for opening doors is “distast

4、eful“ and “nasty.“ But under anti-bribery laws, proof must be made of concrete benefits, such as approval of a contract or regulation. Simply arranging a meeting, making a phone call, or hosting an event is not an “official act.“ The court“s ruling is legally sound in defining a kind of favoritism t

5、hat is not criminal. Elected leaders must be allowed to help supporters deal with bureaucratic problems without fear of prosecution for bribery. “The basic compact underlying representative government,“ wrote Chief Justice John Robert for the court, “assumes that public officials will hear from thei

6、r constituents and act on their concerns.“ But the ruling reinforces the need for citizens and their elected representatives, not the courts, to ensure equality of access to government. Officials must not be allowed to play favorites in providing information or in arranging meetings simply because a

7、n individual or group provides a campaign donation or a personal gift. This type of integrity requires well-enforced laws in government transparency, such as records of official meetings, rules on lobbying, and information about each elected leader“s sources of wealth. Favoritism in official access

8、can fan public perceptions of corruption. But it is not always corruption. Rather officials must avoid double standards, or different types of access for average people and the wealthy. If connections can be bought, a basic premise of democratic societythat all are equal in treatment by governmentis

9、 undermined. Good governance rests on an understanding of the inherent worth of each individual. The court“s ruling is a step forward in the struggle against both corruption and official favoritism.（分数：20.00）(1).The underlined sentence (Para. 1) most probably shows that the court（分数：4.00）A.avoided d

10、efining the extent of McDonnell“s duties.B.made no compromise in convicting McDonnell.C.was contemptuous of McDonnell“s conduct.D.refused to comment on McDonnell“s ethics.(2).According to Paragraph 4, an official act is deemed corruptive only if it involves（分数：4.00）A.concrete returns for gift-givers

11、.B.sizable gains in the form of gifts.C.leaking secrets intentionally.D.breaking contracts officially.(3).The court“s ruling is based on the assumption that public officials are（分数：4.00）A.allowed to focus on the concerns of their supporters.B.qualified to deal independently with bureaucratic issues.

12、C.justified in addressing the needs of their constituents.D.exempt from conviction on the charge of favoritism.(4).Well-enforced laws in government transparency are needed to（分数：4.00）A.awaken the conscience of officials.B.guarantee fair play in official access.C.allow for certain kinds of lobbying.D

13、.inspire hopes in average people.(5).The author“s attitude toward the court“s ruling is（分数：4.00）A.sarcastic.B.tolerant.C.skeptical.D.supportive.四、Text 2(总题数：1，分数：20.00)In the 2006 film version of The Devil Wears Prada, Miranda Priestly, played by Meryl Streep, scolds her unattractive assistant for i

14、magining that high fashion doesn“t affect her, Priestly explains how the deep blue color of the assistant“s sweater descended over the years from fashion shows to departments stores and to the bargain bin in which the poor girl doubtless found her garment. This top-down conception of the fashion bus

15、iness couldn“t be more out of date or at odds with the feverish world described in Overdressed, Elizabeth Cline“s three-year indictment of “fast fashion“. In the last decade or so, advances in technology have allowed mass-market labels such as Zara, H her example can“t be knocked off. Though several

16、 fast-fashion companies have made efforts to curb their impact on labor and the environmentincluding H people will only start shopping more sustainably when they can“t afford not to.（分数：20.00）(1).Priestly criticizes her assistant for her（分数：4.00）A.poor bargaining skill.B.insensitivity to fashion.C.o

17、bsession with high fashion.D.lack of imagination.(2).According to Cline, mass-market labels urge consumers to（分数：4.00）A.combat unnecessary waste.B.shut out the feverish fashion world.C.resist the influence of advertisements.D.shop for their garments more frequently.(3).The word “indictment“ (Para. 2

18、) is closest in meaning to（分数：4.00）A.accusation.B.enthusiasm.C.indifference.D.tolerance.(4).Which of the following can be inferred from the last paragraph?（分数：4.00）A.Vanity has more often been found in idealists.B.The fast-fashion industry ignores sustainability.C.People are more interested in unaff

19、ordable garments.D.Pricing is vital to environment-friendly purchasing.(5).What is the subject of the text?（分数：4.00）A.Satire on an extravagant lifestyle.B.Challenge to a high-fashion myth.C.Criticism of the fast-fashion industry.D.Exposure of a mass-market secret.五、Text 3(总题数：1，分数：20.00)France, whic

20、h prides itself as the global innovator of fashion, has decided its fashion industry has lost an absolute right to define physical beauty for women. Its lawmakers gave preliminary approval last week to a law that would make it a crime to employ ultra-thin models on runways. The parliament also agree

21、d to ban websites that “incite excessive thinness“ by promoting extreme dieting. Such measures have a couple of uplifting motives. They suggest beauty should not be defined by looks that end up impinging on health. That“s a start. And the ban on ultra-thin models seems to go beyond protecting models

22、 from starving themselves to deathas some have done. It tells the fashion industry that it must take responsibility for the signal it sends women, especially teenage girls, about the social tape-measure they must use to determine their individual worth. The bans, if fully enforced, would suggest to

23、women (and many men) that they should not let others be arbiters of their beauty. And perhaps faintly, they hint that people should look to intangible qualities like character and intellect rather than dieting their way to size zero or wasp-waist physiques. The French measures, however, rely too muc

24、h on severe punishment to change a culture that still regards beauty as skin-deepand bone-showing. Under the law, using a fashion model that does not meet a government-defined index of body mass could result in a $85,000 fine and six months in prison. The fashion industry knows it has an inherent pr

25、oblem in focusing on material adornment and idealized body types. In Denmark, the United States, and a few other countries, it is trying to set voluntary standards for models and fashion images that rely more on peer pressure for enforcement. In contrast to France“s actions, Denmark“s fashion indust

26、ry agreed last month on rules and sanctions regarding the age, health, and other characteristics of models. The newly revised Danish Fashion Ethical Charter clearly states: “We are aware of and take responsibility for the impact the fashion industry has on body ideals, especially on young people.“ T

27、he charter“s main tool of enforcement is to deny access for designers and modeling agencies to Copenhagen Fashion Week (CFW), which is run by the Danish Fashion Institute. But in general it relies on a name-and-shame method of compliance. Relying on ethical persuasion rather than law to address the

28、misuse of body ideals may be the best step. Even better would be to help elevate notions of beauty beyond the material standards of a particular industry.（分数：20.00）(1).According to the first paragraph, what would happen in France?（分数：4.00）A.Physical beauty would be redefined.B.New runways would be c

29、onstructed.C.Websites about dieting would thrive.D.The fashion industry would decline.(2).The phrase “impinging on“ (Line 2, Para. 2) is closest in meaning to（分数：4.00）A.heightening the value of.B.indicating the state of.C.losing faith in.D.doing harm to.(3).Which of the following is true of the fash

30、ion industry?（分数：4.00）A.The French measures have already failed.B.New standards are being set in Denmark.C.Models are no longer under peer pressure.D.Its inherent problems are getting worse.(4).A designer is most likely to be rejected by CFW for（分数：4.00）A.setting a high age threshold for models.B.ca

31、ring too much about models“ character.C.showing little concern for health factors.D.pursuing perfect physical conditions.(5).Which of the following may be the best title of the text?（分数：4.00）A.The Great Threats to the Fashion IndustryB.Just Another Round of Struggle for BeautyC.A Dilemma for the Sta

32、rving Models in FranceD.A Challenge to the Fashion Industry“s Body Ideals六、Text 4(总题数：1，分数：20.00)In order to “change lives for the better“ and reduce “dependency“, George Osborne, Chancellor of the Exchequer, introduced the “upfront work search“ scheme. Only if the jobless arrive at the job centre w

33、ith a CV, register for online job search, and start looking for work will they be eligible for benefitand then they should report weekly rather than fortnightly. What could be more reasonable? More apparent reasonableness followed. There will now be a seven-day wait for the jobseeker“s allowance. “T

34、hose first few days should be spent looking for work, not looking to sign on ,“ he claimed. “We“re doing these things because we know they help people stay off benefits and help those on benefits get into work faster“ Help? Really? On first hearing, this was the socially concerned chancellor, trying

35、 to change lives for the better, complete with “reforms“ to an obviously indulgent system that demands too little effort from the newly unemployed to find work, and subsidises laziness. What motivated him, we were to understand, was his zeal for “fundamental fairness“protecting the taxpayer, control

36、ling spending and ensuring that only the most deserving claimants received their benefits. Losing a job is hurting: you don“t skip down to the job centre with a song in your heart, delighted at the prospect of doubling your income from the generous state. It is financially terrifying, psychologicall

37、y embarrassing and you know that support is minimal and extraordinarily hard to get. You are now not wanted; you are now excluded from the work environment that offers purpose and structure in your life. Worse, the crucial income to feed yourself and your family and pay the bills has disappeared. As

38、k anyone newly unemployed what they want and the answer is always: a job. But in Osborne land, your first instinct is to fall into dependencypermanent dependency if you can get itsupported by a state only too ready to indulge your falsehood. It is as though 20 years of ever-tougher reforms of the jo

39、b search and benefit administration system never happened. The principle of British welfare is no longer that you can insure yourself against the risk of unemployment and receive unconditional payments if the disaster happens. Even the very phrase “job seeker“s allowance“ is about redefining the une

40、mployed as a “jobseeker“ who had no fundamental right to a benefit he or she has earned through making national insurance contributions. Instead, the claimant receives a time-limited “allowance,“ conditional on actively seeking a job; no entitlement and no insurance, at 71.70 a week, one of the leas

41、t generous in the EU.（分数：20.00）(1).George Osborne“s scheme was intended to（分数：4.00）A.provide the unemployed with easier access to benefits.B.encourage jobseekers“ active engagement in job seeking.C.motivate the unemployed to report voluntarily.D.guarantee jobseekers“ legitimate right to benefits.(2)

42、.The phrase “to sign on“ (Para. 2) most probably means（分数：4.00）A.to check on the availability of jobs at the job centre.B.to accept the government“s restrictions on the allowance.C.to register for an allowance from the government.D.to attend a governmental job-training program.(3).What prompted the

43、chancellor to develop his scheme?（分数：4.00）A.A desire to secure a better life for all.B.An eagerness to protect the unemployed.C.An urge to be generous to the claimants.D.A passion to ensure fairness for taxpayers.(4).According to Paragraph 3, being unemployed makes one feel（分数：4.00）A.uneasy.B.enrage

44、d.C.insulted.D.guilty.(5).To which of the following would the author most probably agree?（分数：4.00）A.The British welfare system indulges jobseekers“ laziness.B.Osborne“s reforms will reduce the risk of unemployment.C.The jobseekers“ allowance has met their actual needs.D.Unemployment benefits should

45、not be made conditional.七、Text 5(总题数：1，分数：20.00)Come onEverybody“s doing it. That whispered message, half invitation and half forcing, is what most of us think of when we hear the words peer pressure. It usually leads to no gooddrinking, drugs and casual sex. But in her new book Join the Club , Tina

46、 Rosenberg contends that peer pressure can also be a positive force through what she calls the social cure, in which organizations and officials use the power of group dynamics to help individuals improve their lives and possibly the word. Rosenberg, the recipient of a Pulitzer Prize, offers a host

47、of examples of the social cure in action: In South Carolina, a state-sponsored antismoking program called Rage Against the Haze sets out to make cigarettes uncool. In South Africa, an HIV-prevention initiative known as loveLife recruits young people to promote safe sex among their peers. The idea se

48、ems promising, and Rosenberg is a perceptive observer. Her critique of the lameness of many pubic-health campaigns is spot-on: they fail to mobilize peer pressure for healthy habits, and they demonstrate a seriously flawed understanding of psychology. “Dare to be different, please don“t smoke!“ plea

49、ds one billboard campaign aimed at reducing smoking among teenagersteenagers, who desire nothing more than fitting in. Rosenberg argues convincingly that public-health advocates ought to take a page from advertisers, so skilled at applying peer pressure. But on the general effectiveness of the social cure, Rosenberg is less persuasive. Join the Club is filled with too much irrelevant detail and not enough exploration of the social and biological factors that make peer pressure so powerful. The most glaring flaw of the social cure as it“s presented here is that it doesn“t work very