公共英语((五级)8及答案解析.doc
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1、公共英语(五级)8 及答案解析(总分:7.00,做题时间:120 分钟)一、Section II Use of E(总题数:1,分数:1.00)Perhaps there are far 【B1】 wives than I imagine who take it for 【B2】 that housework is neither satisfying nor even important once the basic demands of hygiene and feeding have been 【B3】 But home and family is the one realm in 【B
2、4】 it is really difficult to shake free of ones upbringing and 【B5】 new values. My parents house was impeccably kept; cleanliness was a moral and social virtue, and personal untidiness, visibly old clothes, or long male hair provoked biting jocularity. If that 【B6】 been all, maybe I could have adapt
3、ed myself 【B7】 housework on an easy-going, utilitarian basis, refusing the moral overtones 【B8】 still believing in it as something constructive 【B9】 it is part of creating a home. But at the same time my mother 【B10】 to resent doing it, called it drudgery, and convinced me that it wasnt a fit activi
4、ty for an intelligent being. I was the only child, and once I was at school there was no 【B11】 why she should have continued 【B12】 her will to remain housebound, unless, as I suspect, my father would not hear of her having a job of her own. I can now begin to 【B13】 why a woman in a small suburban ho
5、use, with no infants to look after, who does not 【B14】 reading because she has not had much of an education, and who is intelligent 【B15】 to find neighborly chit-chat boring, should carry the pursuit of microscopic specks of dust to the 【B16】 of fanaticism in an 【B17】 to fill hours and salvage her s
6、elf-respect. My parents had not even the status-seeking impetus to send me to university that Joes had; my mother 【B18】 me to be “a nice quiet person who wouldnt be 【B19】 in a crowd“ , and it was feared that university education 【B20】 in ingratitude (independence). (分数:1.00)填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项
7、1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_填空项 1:_二、Section III Reading(总题数:3,分数:3.00)Managers spend a great deal of their time in meetings. According to Henry Mintzberg, in his book, The Nature of Managerial Work, managers in large or
8、ganizations spend only 22% of their time on meetings. So what are the managers doing in those meetings? There have conventionally been two answers. The first is the academic version: Managers are coordinating and controlling, making decisions, solving problems and planning. This interpretation has b
9、een largely discredited because it ignores the social and political forces at work in meetings. The second version claims that meetings provide little more than strategic sites for corporate gladiators to perform before the organizational emperors. This perspective is far more attractive, and has gi
10、ven rise to a large, and often humorous, body of literature on gamesmanship and posturing in meetings. It is, of course, true that meeting rooms serve as shop windows for managerial talent, but this is far from the truth as a whole. The suggestion that meetings are actually battle grounds is mislead
11、ing since the raison detre of meetings has far more to do with comfort than conflict. Meetings are actually vital props, both for the participants and the organization as a whole. For the organization, meetings represent recording devices. The minutes of meetings catalogue the change of the organiza
12、tion, at all levels, in a more systematic way than do the assorted memos and directives which are scattered about the company. They enshrine the minutes of corporate history, they itemize proposed actions and outcomes in a way which makes one look like the natural culmination of the other. The whole
13、 tenor of the minutes is one of total premeditation and implied continuity. They are a sanitized version of reality which suggests a reassuring level of control over events. What is more, the minutes record the debating of certain issues in an official and democratic forum, so that those not involve
14、d in the process can be assured that the decision was not taken lightly. As Dong Bennett, an administrative and financial manager with Allied Breweries, explains: “Time and effort are seen to have been invested in scrutinizing a certain course of action. “ Key individuals are also seen to have put t
15、heir names behind that particular course of action. The decision can therefore proceed with the full weight of the organization behind it, even if it actually went through “on the nod“. At the same time, the burden of responsibility is spread, so that no individual takes the blame. Thus, the public
16、nature of formal meetings confers a degree of legitimacy on what happens in them. Having a view pass unchallenged at a meeting can be taken to indicate consensus. However, meetings also serve as an alibi for action, as demonstrated by one manager who explained to his subordinates: “ I did what I cou
17、ld to prevent it I had our objections minutes in two meetings. “ The proof of conspicuous effort was there in black and white. By merely attending meetings, managers buttress their status, while non-attendance can carry with it a certain stigma. Whether individual managers intend to make a contribut
18、ion or not, it is satisfying to be considered one of those whose views matter. Ostracism, for senior managers, is not being invited to meetings. As one cynic observed, meetings are comfortingly tangible: “ Who on the shop floor really believes that managers are working when they tour the works? But
19、assemble them behind closed doors and call it a meeting and everyone will take it for granted that they are hard at work. “ Managers are being seen to earn their corn. Meetings provide managers with another form of comfort too that of formality. Meetings follow a fixed format: Exchanges are ritualiz
20、ed, the participants are probably known in advance, there is often a written agenda, and there is a chance to prepare. Little wonder then, that they come as welcome relief from the upheaval and uncertainty of life outside the meeting room. Managers can draw further comfort from the realization that
21、their peers are every bit as bemused and fallible as themselves. Meetings provide constant reminders that they share the same problems, preoccupations and anxieties, that they are all in the same boat. And for those who may be slightly adrift, meetings are ideal occasions for gently pulling them rou
22、nd. As Steve Styles, the process control manager (life services) at Legal and whether we know anything of him or not we are apt to think of a literary man as a delicate, weak, nervous sort of person. Nothing can be further from that than the muscular statue. And in this matter the statue is perfectl
23、y right. And the fact which it reports is far from being unimportant. “The body and the mind are inextricably interwoven“ in all of us, and certainly on Johnsons case the influence of the body was obvious and conspicuous. His melancholy, his constantly repeated conviction of the general unhappiness
24、of human life, was certainly the result of his constitutional infirmities. On the other hand, his courage, and his entire indifference to pain, were partly due to his great bodily strength. Perhaps the vein of rudeness, almost of fierceness, which sometimes showed itself in his conversation, was the
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