[外语类试卷]大学英语四级模拟试卷5及答案与解析.doc
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1、大学英语四级模拟试卷 5及答案与解析 一、 Part I Writing (30 minutes) 1 For this part, you are allowed to write a composition on the topic Greener City Better Life. You should write at least 120 words and you should base your composition on the outline. 1. 随着城市的发展,城 市绿地越来越多。 2. 城市绿地的好处 3. 我们要爱护绿地 Greener City Better li
2、fe 二、 Part II Reading Comprehension (Skimming and Scanning) (15 minutes) Directions: In this part, you will have 15 minutes to go over the passage quickly and answer the questions attached to the passage. For questions 1-7, mark: Y (for YES) if the statement agrees with the information given in the
3、passage; N (for NO) if the statement contradicts the information given in the passage; NG (for NOT GIVEN) if the information is not given in the passage. 2 US needs to wake up to fast changing Asia A succession of events taking place in Asia seems to indicate that the United States Asia policy is fa
4、iling to keep up with the developments in the regional political arena. US-DPRK( Democratic Peoples Republic of Korea) relations have become a factor that affects the stability in Asia, with the talks on DPRKs nuclear programme issue travelling along a bumpy road. Revolving around the nuclear issue,
5、 disputes between the United States and the Republic of Korea crop up frequently, estranging the two allies. Sins-US relations are getting increasingly complex and different schools of thought inside the United States clash with each other over how to deal with a fast “rising China“. The China polic
6、y, to a certain extent, has evolved into a bottleneck for the United States Asia policy. The Taiwan question becomes ever pressing in the post-Cold-War period, but the United States has so far failed to come up with an effective way to address the situation. In Southeast Asia and South Asia, the US
7、anti-terror campaigns have achieved little, and instead served to distance the United States from the Muslim masses in the region. Thousands upon thousands of US troops are stuck in the quagmire of Iraq. There seems no light at the end of the tunnel on the issue of Irans nuclear undertakings. In the
8、 face of all this, US Asia experts have voiced their dissatisfaction over US Asia policy. They generally come to the conclusion that the US Asia policy lags behind the developments and that the definition of the US role in Asia is disorientated. The conclusion is drawn against the background of Asia
9、s fast changing political, economic and security situations. Strong bias has always blurred the US analysis of international politics, often leading to misjudgement and miscalculation. Confrontation, for example, dominated Sino-US relations for 22 years after 1949, when the Peoples Republic of China
10、 was founded. This is because US policy-makers understood the event as an outcome of the Soviet Unions exporting of revolution, thinking China would go along steadily with the “Big Brother“ concept for decades to come. The United States paid dearly for the confrontation. The US involvement in Viet N
11、am offers another example. Ho Chih Minhs drive for national unification was misread as the expansion of communism in Southeast Asia. Large numbers of American troops were committed to “contain“ the “expansion.“ Again, the United States paid dearly. The United States, it seems to me, is now misreadin
12、g Chinas fast development. Chinas high-speed economic growth is bringing wealth and prosperity to one-fifth of the worlds population. But some American political elite think the rise of China poses a threat and challenge to the US supremacy. They are haunted by how to come up with the best way to de
13、al with Chinas rise, and hence the hesitation between engagement and containment. This, in turn, helps explain the volatility of US-China relations. Apart from its misjudgement of the outside world, the wrong definition of its role in Asia is also responsible for policy errors. Desire for hegemony h
14、as dominated US Asia policy since World War II. Seeking supremacy is at the core of policy-making considerations. During the Cold War period, Washington claimed “containment of communism,“ but they were actually in pursuit of US hegemony. Driven by these hegemonic impulses, the United States got inv
15、olved first in the Korean War and then the Viet Nam War, taking upon itself commitments that far outstripped its strength. After the failure of Viet Nam, the United States had to reshape its Asia policy, seeking strategic balance instead of supremacy. The change of role helped free it from a predica
16、ment. When the Cold War ended in the early 1990s, the United States faced the test again in terms of defining its role in Asia. The Clinton administration wanted to use US values, US models of development and security concepts, the so-called “soft power“, to shape regional politics, economics and se
17、curity. It can be interpreted as applying new tools to play a leading role in Asia. After President George W. Bush assumed power, the United States role was defined as a unilateral leader, which was intended to guard against any rising powers. The advent of the September 11 terrorist attacks changed
18、 the priorities of the US strategic agenda, but not the Bush administrations yearning for US supremacy. All this helps bring about the situation that the United States Asia policy is increasingly distanced from the fast changing reality in Asia. The United States constructive role in Asian affairs w
19、ould be in the interest of Asian countries as well as in its own. Correct US assessment of the reality in Asia is thus called for. First, it should be understood that Asian countries co-operation in political and security affairs among themselves is being strengthened. They axe increasingly reluctan
20、t to be told what to do by outsiders. This kind of co-operation will help alter the political and economic landscapes of Asia and will also have a great impact on US-Asian relations. The economic co-operation among the 10+3(10 countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations plus China, Japan
21、 and the Republic of Korea) framework and the planned East Asia Summit are but just two examples in Asian countries intention of forming, a single community. Second, Chinas development will not follow the old path of the newly emerging power replacing the old one, and will, therefore, not bring abou
22、t the situation in which a hysteric arms race is set in motion because the parties involved fear to be left in a weaker position. Using the old-fashioned containment mentality to handle China-and Asia-related affairs is bound to end in tears. Third, Asian countries are becoming increasingly interdep
23、endent, whether in terms of economic co-operation or anti-terror campaigns. On the other hand, the United States is getting more and more dependent on other countries in many ways. This requires it to adapt to the fast changing situation in Asia. Fourth, the United States is powerful but not omnipot
24、ent. It won a war in Iraq but did not win peace. The United States cannot settle all the questions in Asia, let alone if it tries to do it all in its own way. 2 The dispute on DPRKs nuclear programme issue gives a negative influence on US-DPRK relations. ( A) Y ( B) N ( C) NG 3 The Taiwan question i
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