[外语类试卷]大学英语六级模拟试卷18及答案与解析.doc
《[外语类试卷]大学英语六级模拟试卷18及答案与解析.doc》由会员分享,可在线阅读,更多相关《[外语类试卷]大学英语六级模拟试卷18及答案与解析.doc(36页珍藏版)》请在麦多课文档分享上搜索。
1、大学英语六级模拟试卷 18及答案与解析 一、 Part I Writing (30 minutes) 1 For this part, you are allowed 30 minutes to write a short essay entitled Why I Came to College. You should write at least 150 words following the outline given below. 1. 我为什么选择读大学 ; 2. 现在读大学 是否值得 ; 3. 结论。 二、 Part II Reading Comprehension (Skimmin
2、g and Scanning) (15 minutes) Directions: In this part, you will have 15 minutes to go over the passage quickly and answer the questions attached to the passage. For questions 1-4, mark: Y (for YES) if the statement agrees with the information given in the passage; N (for NO) if the statement contrad
3、icts the information given in the passage; NG (for NOT GIVEN) if the information is not given in the passage. 2 What to Do about Iran? Irans decision to resume nuclear enrichment activities a key step in the process of making nuclear weapons is a direct challenge to the United States, Europe and the
4、 rest of the world. For more than two years now, Europe with Washingtons support has offered Tehran a reasonable deal: End the nuclear enrichment work it had been doing in secret for nearly two decades and receive technical support for a civilian nuclear energy program as well as expanded economic a
5、nd diplomatic ties. Last week, the new Iranian government of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad basically told the international community to get lost. It resumed research and development activities that had been suspended during the talks with the Europeans, still claiming that its nuclear program was e
6、ntirely peaceful. As Ger- man Chancellor Angela Merkel made clear on her visit to Washington this month, even those most committed to a diplomatic solution with Iran now accept that diplomacy has run its course, and the time for decision and action has arrived. But what decision, and what action? In
7、 the debate about how to respond to Iran, two opposing camps have emerged: One wants to give in to Iran; the other wants to bomb it. Both are wrong. In the first camp are those mostly in Europe, but also in many other parts of the world who accept Tehrans argument that it has a right to develop nucl
8、ear technology for peaceful purposes. And while they would oppose an Iranian bomb, they argue that there is little we can do to prevent a determined Iran from building one eventually and that, in any case, a nuclear-armed Iran can be contained. It would be difficult to get international support for
9、economic sanctions, they say, and even if Russia and China were somehow to agree to them, sanctions would fail to change policy as in Iraq, North Korea and Cuba. This view is entirely too complacent. Its a delusion to believe that Irans program is for civilian purposes only and that allowing Iran to
10、 master nuclear enrichment is therefore no big deal. Given Irans long track record of hiding and lying about important aspects of its nuclear program, allowing it to develop enrichment and reprocessing capabilities even under an international inspection regime would remove the most important technic
11、al barrier to its acquiring nuclear weapons and leave the decision of going nuclear entirely in the hands of Ahmadinejads radical Islamist government. That is an unacceptable risk. The dangers of an Iranian bomb are clear. Others Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Turkeycould follow suit, both in order to deter T
12、ehran and in the well-warranted belief that a world that allowed Iran to build a bomb would surely allow them to do so as well. This would be a fatal blow to the already shaky nuclear nonproliferation regime, which for nearly 40 years has helped convince countries as diverse as Sweden, South Korea,
13、Brazil and Ukraine that the costs of acquiring nuclear weapons far outweigh the benefits. Moreover, a nuclear-armed Iran would represent a major threat to regional and global security. It could deter the United States and others from responding to Iranian aggression or to Tehrans support for terrori
14、sm in the Middle East and beyond. And given the messianic streak of Tehrans current leaders, do we really want to run the risk of them passing nuclear materials or even a weapon on to al Qaeda(基地组织 )? On the other side of the debate are those mostly in the United States who think that the time has c
15、ome to use military force against Iran. Because diplomacy has failed and we are, as President Bush has said, “all sanctioned- out“ as far as Iran is concerned, the only option left is a military strike against Irans nuclear facilities before it is too late. If ever there were a ease, they argue, for
16、 making good Bushs vow that America will “not allow the worlds most dangerous regimes to possess the worlds most dangerous weapons“ this is it. This view, too, is wrong. U.S. air strikes probably could destroy Irans critical nuclear facilities at least those we know about. But our intelligence is ha
17、rdly perfect, so we would not really know if Tehrans nuclear program was in fact destroyed. A military attack against Iran would also undoubtedly generate strong public support among Iranians for an otherwise unpopular regime. Any lingering doubt that they needed a nuclear deterrent(威慑 )would be era
18、sed. And are we prepared for what Iran could do in return? Through its Shiite partners in Iraq and Afghanistan, it could wreak havoc on our forces and undermine our efforts to stabilize both countries. It could threaten oil shipments through the Strait of Hormuz, through which more than one- third o
19、f the worlds oil flows, and urge its terrorist friends to launch retaliatory strikes against our allies and us. The option of relying on Israel to strike Iranian targets as alluded to last year by Vice President Cheney would be even worse. The Israelis would conduct the operation less effectively be
20、cause of their more limited military means(striking targets in eastern Iran would be a stretch for Israels limited-range F-15s), and the United States would bear the responsibility anyway, not least if it allow, ed the Israelis to fly over U.S.-controlled airspace in Iraq. Given these bad options, w
21、hat should the United States and Europe do instead? The answer is that they should do what they said they would do make Iran pay a real price if it refuses to suspend its uranium enrichment activities again. This means first making a concerted effort to win Russian and Chinese support for tough acti
22、on at the International Atomic Energy Agency and the U.N. Security Council next month. Ideally, the Security Council should not only denounce Irans actions but agree on an oil embargo and a ban on investment in Iran. The credibility of sanctions would be enhanced if it were clear that negotiations c
23、ould resume and punitive actions be suspended as soon as Tehran terminates the enrichment activities it recently resumed. The offer to support a civilian nuclear energy program, increase trade and investment and even engage in regional security talks and restore diplomatic relations with the United
24、States would also re- main on the table. But if Tehran refuses to back down, it must pay a price. And while Russia and China may not go a- long, Europe, Japan and the United States should not hide behind their refusal. The argument that sanctions wont work without China, Russia and India on board is
- 1.请仔细阅读文档,确保文档完整性,对于不预览、不比对内容而直接下载带来的问题本站不予受理。
- 2.下载的文档,不会出现我们的网址水印。
- 3、该文档所得收入(下载+内容+预览)归上传者、原创作者;如果您是本文档原作者,请点此认领!既往收益都归您。
下载文档到电脑,查找使用更方便
2000 积分 0人已下载
下载 | 加入VIP,交流精品资源 |
- 配套讲稿:
如PPT文件的首页显示word图标,表示该PPT已包含配套word讲稿。双击word图标可打开word文档。
- 特殊限制:
部分文档作品中含有的国旗、国徽等图片,仅作为作品整体效果示例展示,禁止商用。设计者仅对作品中独创性部分享有著作权。
- 关 键 词:
- 外语类 试卷 大学 英语六级 模拟 18 答案 解析 DOC
