专业八级-294及答案解析.doc
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1、专业八级-294 及答案解析(总分:100.00,做题时间:90 分钟)一、LANGUAGE USAGE(总题数:4,分数:100.00)No clear-cut distinction can be drawn between professionals and amateurs in science: exceptions can not be found to any rule. 1 Nevertheless, the word “amateur“ does carry connotation that the 2 person concerned is not fully integr
2、ated into the scientific community and, in particular, may not fully share their values. The growth of 3 specialization in the nineteenth century, with its consequent requirement of a longer, more complex training, implied greater problems for professional participation in science. The trend was 4 n
3、aturally most obvious in those areas of science based especially on a mathematical or laboratory training, and can be illustrated in terms of the development of geology in the United Kingdom. A comparison of British geological publications over the last century and a half reveals not simply an incre
4、asing emphasis of the 5 primacy of research, but also a changing definition of that 6 constitutes an acceptable research paper. Thus, in the nineteenth century, local geological studies represented worthwhile research in their own right; and, in the twentieth century, local studies have 7 increasing
5、ly become acceptable to professionals only if they incorporate, and reflect into the wider geological picture. Amateurs, 8 on the other hand, have continued to pursue local studies in the old way. The overall result has been to make entrance to professional geological journals harder for amateurs, a
6、 result that has been reinforced by the widespread introduction of refereeing, first by national journals in the nineteenth century and then by several local geological journals in the twentieth century. As is a logical 9 consequence of this development, separate journals have now appeared aiming ma
7、inly at either professional or amateur readership. 10 A rather similar process of differentiation has led to professional geologists coming together nationally within one or two specific societies, whereas the amateurs have tended either to remain in local societies or to come together nationally in
8、 a different way.(分数:25.00)Throughout the nation“s more than 15,000 school districts, widely differing approaches to teaching science and math have emerged. Though there can be strength in diversity, a new international analysis suggests that this variability has instead contributed to lackluster ac
9、hievement scores of U.S. children related to their peers in other developed countries. 11 Indeed, concludes William H. Schmidt of Michigan State University, who led the new analysis, “no single intellectual 12 coherent vision dominates U. S. educational practice in math or science.“ The reason, he s
10、aid, “is because the system is deeply and fundamentally flawed.“ The new analysis, which released this week by the National 13 Science Foundation in Arlington, Va., is based on data collecting 14 from about 50 nations as part of the Third International Mathematics and Science Study. Not only approac
11、hes to teaching science and math vary among 15 individual U. S. communities, the report finds, but there appears to be a little strategic focus within a school district“s curricula, its 16 textbooks, or its teachers“ activities. This contrasts sharply with the coordinated national programs of most o
12、ther countries. In average, U. S. students study more topics within science 17 and math than their international counterparts do. This creates an educational environment where “is a mile wide and an inch deep,“ 18 Schmidt notes. For instance, eighth graders in the United States cover about 33 topics
13、 in math versus just 19 in Japan. Among science courses, the international gap is even wide. U. S. curricula for this age level 19 resemble those of a small group of countries including Australia, Thailand, Iceland, and Bulgaria. Schmidt asks whether the United States wants to be classed with these
14、nations, whose educational systems “share our pattern of splintered visions“ and which are not 20 economic leaders.(分数:25.00)The long years of food shortage in this country have suddenly given way to apparent abundance. Stores and shops are choked with food. Rationing is virtual suspended, and overs
15、eas suppliers have 21 been asked to hold back deliveries. Yet, instead of joy, there is widespread easiness and confusion. Why do food prices keep on 22 rising when there seems to be so much more food about? Is the abundance only temporary, but has it come to stay? Does it mean 23 that we need to th
16、ink less now about producing more food at home? No one knows what to expect. The recent growth of export surpluses on the world food market have certainly been unexpectedly great, partly because of a strange 24 sequence of two successful grain harvests. North America is now being followed by a three
17、. Most of Britain“s overseas suppliers of meat, too, 25 are offering more this year and home production has also arisen. 26 But the effect of all this on the food situation in this country has 27 made worse by a simultaneous rise in food prices, due chiefly for the 28 gradual cutting down of governm
18、ent support for food. The shops are overstocked with food not only as there is more food available, but 29 also because people, frightened by high prices, are buying less of it. Moreover, the rise in domestic prices has come at a time when world prices have begun to fall, with the result which impor
19、ted food, 30 with the exception of grain, is often cheaper than the home- produced variety. And now grain prices, too, are falling. Consumers are beginning to ask why they should not be enabled to benefit from this trend.(分数:25.00)Individuals are increasingly being asked to take on sole responsibili
20、tyand assume the burden of riskfor complex savings tasks which were previously at most shared with governments or 31 employees, such as investing for a pension or for higher education 32 for their children. So how can individual workers or parents expected to weigh the risks and make responsible cho
21、ices in an ever 33 more sophisticated financial market? This is true even in countries where consumers generally are familiar of finance instruments such 34 as credit cards, mortgage loans and perhaps private saving to “top up“ company pension plans. It is all the more difficult in emerging economie
22、s whose rapid development has given access to financial services to the large number of consumers, many of whom have only 35 a limited experience with formal financial systems. For emerging economies, financially educated consumers can help ensure what the 36 financial sector makes an effective cont
23、ribution to real economic growth and poverty reduce. But financial literacy is also crucial for 37 more developed economies, to help ensure consumers save enough to provide an adequate income in retirement while in avoiding high 38 levels of debt that might result in bankruptcy and foreclosures. The
24、 information available on consumer financial literacy is worried for two reasonsnot only do individuals generally lack an 39 adequate financial background or understanding to navigate today“s complex market, but unfortunately they also generally believe that they are far more financial literate than
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