大学六级-87及答案解析.doc
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1、大学六级-87 及答案解析(总分:668.00,做题时间:90 分钟)一、BPart Writing(总题数:1,分数:106.00)1.“宅”成为当下热点,也成为很多人的一种生活方式;2有的人反对,有的人支持;3你的观点。My Opinion on Indoor Life_(分数:106.00)_二、BPart Reading (总题数:1,分数:70.00)Directions: In this part, you will have 15 minutes to go over the passage quickly and answer the questions on Answer S
2、heet 1. For questions 1-7, choose the best answer from the four choices marked A), B), C) and D). For questions 8-10, complete the sentences with the information given in the passage.The New MainstreamVictory for Barack Obama marked our democracys triumph over half the problem of race in America. It
3、 emphasized the vitality of Americas most distinctive and powerful master trend-assimilation, an unconquerable force that selects from, absorbs and integrates difference, not always kindly, but always to the profit of the nations mainstream. But an Obama win also highlighted the cruel paradox that i
4、s the other half of our racial problem: while black Americans have been fully incorporated into the nations public life, they continue to be cut off from the private life of other Americans, a separation that accounts in good measure for blacks annoying socioeconomic problems.How did we arrive at th
5、is strange racial pass? Blacks have always figured in a complex way into the progress of American democracy. Slavery, under which they suffered for nearly two thirds of their history in America, was a brutal form of exclusion. The slave was the typical outsider: he was not, and could not be, a citiz
6、en participating in the public sphere, nor could he belong to the community, family or formal culture of the master class.The Civil War and emancipation (解放) was the nations first great attempt to overcome this tragic racial contradiction. But abolition merely freed individual slaves from their mast
7、ers. It did not abolish the culture of slavery, with its emphasis on the public and private exclusion of blacks. To the contrary, the Jim Crow system that replaced slavery legally reinforced and institutionalized the double exclusion of ex-slaves and their descendants.The 20th-century political stru
8、ggles of blacks that culminated (达到顶点) in the civil-rights revolution marked the second great chapter in the liberation and incorporation of black Americans. Its achievements were extraordinary: in less than a generation the entire institutional fabric of Jim Crow was dismantled; blacks achieved leg
9、al equality and access to the nations educational and political system. White racial attitudes underwent a profound change, not only in the rejection of notions of racial inferiority by the great majority, but in the acknowledgment of blacks as an integral part of the nations body politic. The rise
10、of a black middle class, the integration of the military and the remarkable role of blacks in the nations cultural life-areas of which they came to dominate-were all part of this process. Nowhere was it more pronounced, however, than in the rapid ascent of blacks at all levels of American political
11、life. Obamas election would be the termination of this astonishing process.An Obama victory marked, further, the completion of the process of mass democratic inclusion that began with the presidency of Andrew Jackson, another second-generation orphan, who came out of nowhere to lay the foundations o
12、f male, white suffrage (选举权) on a historically unprecedented scale. What Jackson the slaveholder left undone, this historic election cycle has finished, whatever the outcome on Tuesday: its now clear that blacks and women are ready, able and poised to lead the nation.But if the work of political inc
13、lusion is largely done, that of social incorporation is half finished and may be moving backward. While blacks have made absolute gains in income and education since the 1960s, their relative position has not changed and, after the Bush years, threatens to worsen. The black middle class has a fragil
14、e hold on its status. Its median household income declined to $ 30,945 between 2003 and 2005, a mere 62 percent of the white median. In 2002 the median net worth of white Americans ($ 88,000) was 14.5 times that of blacks, whose net worth was a insignificant $ 6,000. The fragility of their status is
15、 reflected in extraordinarily high rates of downward mobility: half of all blacks born to middle-class parents are downwardly mobile, more than half of them fail to the very bottom of the income ladder. The black poverty rate rose from 21.2 percent in 2000 to 24. 5 percent last year, and the bottom
16、fifth of the black population is worse off relative to poor whites than at any time over the past three decades.In the private sphere, blacks remain almost completely apart from whites. Indeed, they are more separate now-, in most areas of the country, than at the end of the 1960s. And segregation i
17、s worse in those parts of the country that have the highest levels of black participation in public life. New York, the liberal heartland of America, in a state where a black man is governor, has among the worst levels of segregation in the nation, So does Chicago, the city that gave Massachusetts i
18、ts current black governor and is likely to give the nation its first black president.In these great cities, blacks mingle with whites in the public sphere, often in positions of authority, then after work return to gilded ghettos or segregated slums destroyed by unemployment, violence, addiction and
19、 terrifying rates of youth imprisonment. The pattern carl be seen in marriages-blacks being the most endogamous (同族结婚的) group in the nation-as well as in friendships, the typical black person having almost no white friends or acquaintances outside the public sphere or work. This is in sharp contrast
20、 to all other nonwhite groups, including second-generation Hispanic and Asian immigrants, who are assimilating at rates similar to previous generations of white immigrants.Why? The conventional answer is that white Americans, while willing to accept blacks in the public sphere, remain racially preju
21、diced in personal relations. While it would be naive to deny the persistence of racism, that simply isnt enough to explain the vast gulf between blacks and other Americans. Neither can income differences, since middle-class blacks are nearly as segregated as the poor. Furthermore, surveys and other
22、studies indicate that a substantial proportion of whites, especially younger ones, have no objection to closer relations with blacks. Even if we make the most conservative assumption, that only a minority of whites hold such racially inclusive views, the fact that whites outnumber blacks about six t
23、o one means that such whites still greatly outnumber blacks. Racial preferences and ethno-cultural differences are obviously part of the explanation. During the early phase of the civil-rights movement, black leaders such as Martin Luther King Jr. strongly advocated integration in both the public an
24、d private spheres, believing, correctly, that separation always entails inequality. But a later generation of black leaders, partly in reaction to the white opposition to black progress, partly out of black pride and a growing black-identity movement, actively promoted apartness in personal life. Mo
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