1、专业八级-567 及答案解析(总分：100.00，做题时间：90 分钟)一、PART LISTENING COM(总题数：0，分数：0.00)二、SECTION A(总题数：1，分数：15.00)The Audience. 1 of audience 1) 2 of movies and TV shows 2) listeners of radio programs 3) 3 of written materials in discussions of writing activities . Analyze your audiences in terms of three factors 1
2、) Your 4 to them Through writing, you are 5 with other members of the society. 2) Their 6 about your subject This analysis is particularly valuable in 7 writing. 3) Their 8 to the subject and your position in the writing This analysis is extremely important in 9 writing. . Three groups of audiences
3、1) To those who agree: 10 the importance of your position 2) To those who are 11 : address their doubts and concerns as directly and fully as possible 3) To those who disagree, try to find out 12 For a 13 of information: give them relevant information as accurately as possible For personal, politica
4、l and 14 reasons: show your understanding of them and 15 them accordingly （分数：15.00）填空项 1:_三、SECTION B(总题数：2，分数：10.00)（分数：5.00）A.Professional knowledge.B.Experience in the area.C.Curiosity about the interviewees.D.Enthusiasm about the job.A.He doesn“t like the job.B.He has done the job over 20 years
5、.C.That is his part-time job.D.He became a journalist in his 30s.A.Having a high working efficiency.B.Being talkative and knowledgeable.C.Giving people a warm feeling.D.Glad to share ideas with strangers.A.Because he isn“t confident enough.B.Because he usually is too indulged in the interview to be
6、aware of his own performance.C.Because television interview is often more interesting than it actually is.D.Because television interview depends much on the way the director shoots it.A.By communicating with them in advance.B.By exuding a great sense of humor during the interview.C.By doing thorough
7、 researches into them in advance.D.By asking thought-provoking questions.（分数：5.00）A.Michael didn“t prepare well.B.That was Michael“s first interview.C.Robert got angry at one question.D.Robert didn“t talk very much.A.He always sticks to his list of questions.B.Sometimes interviewees would talk about
8、 something that he“s not really thought about.C.He sometimes lets the interviewee direct the flow of conversation.D.He doesn“t have a list of questions at all.A.An interviewer directs the subject of a talk.B.An interviewer may influence the traffic.C.Traffic cobs usually interview drivers.D.Both of
9、them need patience and strictness.A.It“s a good job for young people with talent, ambition and energy.B.Talent plays the most important role in the career.C.One has to pass several examinations to pursue a career as an interviewer.D.It sometimes can be very boring.A.It is challenging to young people
10、.B.It requires a lot of energy.C.Talent is the most important factor.D.Interviewers have to pass lots of exams.四、PART READING COMPR(总题数：1，分数：22.00)SECTION A MULTIPLE-CHOICE QUESTIONS In this section there are several passages followed by fourteen multiple choice questions. For each multiple choice q
11、uestion, there are four suggested answers marked A, B, C and D. Choose the one that you think is the best answer and mark your answers on ANSWER SHEET TWO. PASSAGE ONE Ever since the rise of modem science, an almost impregnable wall separating it from religion, morality and human values has been rai
12、sed to the heights. The “naturalistic fallacy,“ sometimes rendered as the “is-ought problem“the way something “is“ does not mean that is the way it “ought“ to behas for centuries been piously parroted from its leading proponents, philosophers David Hume and G. E. Moore, as if pronouncing it closes t
13、he door to further scientific inquiry. We should be skeptical of this divide. If morals and values should not be based on the way things arerealitythen on what should they be based? All moral values must ultimately be grounded in human nature, and in my book The Science of Good and Evil, I build a s
14、cientific case for the evolutionary origins of the moral sentiments and for the ways in which science can inform moral decisions. As a species of social primates, we have evolved a deep sense of right and wrong to accentuate and reward reciprocity and cooperation and to attenuate and punish excessiv
15、e selfishness and free riding. On the constitution of human nature are built the constitutions of human societies. Grafted onto this evolutionary ethics is a new field called neuroethics, whose latest champion is the steely-eyed skeptic and cogent writer Sam Harris, a neuroscientist who in his book
16、The Moral Landscape wields a sledgehammer to the is-ought wall. Harris“s is a first-principle argument, backed by copious empirical evidence woven through a tightly reasoned narrative. The first principle is the well-being of conscious creatures, from which we can build a science-based system of mor
17、al values by quantifying whether or not X increases or decreases well-being. For instance, Harris asks, Is it right or wrong to force women to dress in cloth bags and to douse their faces in acid for committing adultery? It doesn“t take rocket scienceor religion, Harris astringently opinesto conclud
18、e that such “cultural values“ decrease the well-being of the women so affected and thus are morally wrong. These examples are the low-hanging fruit on the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, so it is easy for both science and religion to pluck the ripe ones and declare with confidence that such
19、acts as, say, lying, adultery and stealing are wrong because they destroy trust in human relationships that depend on truth telling, fidelity and respect for property. It is when moral issues become weighted with political, economic and ideological baggage that the moral landscape begins to undulate
20、. Harris“s program of a science-based morality is a courageous one that I wholeheartedly endorse, but how do we resolve conflicts over such hotly contested issues as taxes? Harris“s moral landscape allows the possibility of many peaks and valleysmore than one right or wrong answer to moral dilemmass
21、o perhaps liberals, conservatives, libertarians, Tea partiers, Green partiers and others can coexist on different peaks. Live and let live I say, but what happens when the majority of residents on multiple moral peaks pass laws that force those in the minority on other peaks to help pay for their pr
22、ograms of social wellbeing for everyone? More scientific data are unlikely to eliminate the conflict. I asked Harris about this potential problem. “Live and let live“ is often a wise strategy for minimizing human conflict,“ he agreed. “But it only applies when the stakes are not very high or when th
23、e likely consequences of our behavior are unclear. To say that “more scientific data are unlikely to eliminate the conflict“ is simply to say that nothing will: because the only alternative is to argue without recourse to facts. I agree that we find ourselves in this situation from time to time, oft
24、en on economic questions, but this says nothing about whether right answers to such questions exist.“ Agreed. Just because we cannot yet think of how science might resolve this or that moral conflict does not mean that the problem is an insoluble one. Science is the art of the soluble, and we should
25、 apply it where we can. PASSAGE TWO In a world that prizes medical science and blames illness on factors such as genes, viruses, bacteria, or poor diet, certain perplexing cases stand out. Consider babies in orphanages who have had all their physical needs met, yet fail to develop because they lack
26、a strong connection to another person. Or the roughly 200 women in Cambodia with perfectly healthy eyes who became blind after they were forced to watch as loved ones were tortured and killed. Or Mr. Wright, a man whose tumors “melted like snowballs on a hot stove“ when he was given Krebiozen, an ex
27、perimental drug that he believed would cure his cancer, but was later declared to be worthless by the American Medical Association. These cases underscore the powerful idea that the mind matters in sickness and health. Judging by the millions of Americans who use mind-body modalities such as yoga, m
28、editation, qi gong , and massage to fight diseases like cancer, it“s an idea that many accept. But why do we believe in the mind-body link in the first place? Anne Harrington, professor of the history of science and chair of the department, says we“re only partially convinced by laboratory studies r
29、evealing which of these therapies do and don“t work. “Science is only part of what has created mind-body medicine and sustains it today,“ she notes. In her recent history, The Cure Within , she argues that we“re also persuaded by stories, especially a key set of narratives that humans have told abou
30、t the mind and body through history. These stories, she says, help us make sense of complicated experiences like illness and suffering. For example, the cultural power of some mind-body ideas becomes clear when you trace them back to their roots in religion. Groups such as the Christian Scientists d
31、rew from the New Testament the message that strong faith can yield miracle cures, and Harrington shows how this led eventually to self-help bestsellers about the therapeutic effects of positive thinking. In the secular arena, she continues, post-World War anxieties produced stories about the ways ou
32、r minds leave us vulnerable to illness, including “the idea that we live in a world that we weren“t made to endure, that taxes our energies beyond our capacity.“ At the center of that narrative she places physical and emotional stress, a relatively new concept that was formulated near the end of the
33、 1940s by the Czech biochemist Hans Selye, who borrowed the term from metallurgy. The concept subsequently gained traction as psychiatrists studied traumatized soldiers and, later, overworked executives, especially those with Type A personalities (thought to be prone to heart attacks). During the de
34、cades since then, Harrington says that concern about stress and the illnesses it may trigger have escalated. But these laments centered on modem life have also yielded some hopeful mind-body stories: “efforts to narrate our way out of the darkness,“ in Harrington“s words. For instance, one type of n
35、arrative maintains that we can stay healthy or even heal ourselves through strong relationships. Another set of stories finds promise in the healing practices of Eastern cultures, an interest that burgeoned with the Beatles“ trip to India to seek the spiritual guidance of the Maharishi Mahesh Yogi;
36、was sustained by the late 1970s discoveryby Mind/Body Medical Institute associate professor of medicine Herbert Bensonof the meditation-derived “relaxation response“ to counter stress; and continues to be the subject of Harvard research: for example, scientists are studying MRI scans of the brains o
37、f meditating Tibetan monks. Harrington says that it“s useful to consider when we find these mind-body stories most convincing. “It“s often when we“re let down by the mainstream medical narrative of Western society“which values concrete solutions and statistics. Such an approach fails to help chronic
38、ally ill patients grapple with questions like “Why did this happen to me?“ Mainstream medicine, Harrington continues, “often will answer that there is no reason, or that in effect the reason is dumb bad luck. Mind-body medicine is a tempting alternative for patients in such moments because it is all
39、 about connecting the “why, when, and what now“ of an illness back to a person“s biography.“ Mind-body narratives give us a vocabulary for complex experiences like discontent and hope, she adds. “Stories can do things that science can“t.“ PASSAGE THREE Campaigning on the Indian frontier is an experi
40、ence by itself. Neither the landscape nor the people find their counterparts in any other portion of the globe. Valley walls rise steeply five or six thousand feet on every side. The columns crawl through a maze of giant corridors down which fierce snow-fed torrents foam under skies of brass. Amid t
41、hese scenes of savage brilliancy there dwells a race whose qualities seem to harmonize with their environment. Except at harvest-time, when self-preservation requires a temporary truce, the Pathan tribes are always engaged in private or public war. Every man is a warrior, a politician and a theologi
42、an. Every large house is a real feudal fortress made, it is true, only of sun-baked clay, but with battlements, turrets, loopholes, drawbridges, etc. complete. Every village has its defence. Every family cultivates its vendetta; every clan, its feud. The numerous tribes and combinations of tribes al
43、l have their accounts to settle with one another. Nothing is ever forgotten, and very few debts are left unpaid . For the purposes of social life, in addition to the convention about harvest-time, a most elaborate code of honour has been established and is on the whole faithfully observed. A man who
44、 knew it and observed it faultlessly might pass unarmed from one end of the frontier to another. The slightest technical slip would, however, be fatal. The life of the Pathan is thus full of interest; and his valleys, nourished alike by endless sunshine and abundant water, are fertile enough to yiel
45、d with little labour the modest material requirements of a sparse population. Into this happy world the nineteenth century brought two new facts: the rifle and the British Government. The first was an enormous luxury and blessing; the second, an unmitigated nuisance. The convenience of the rifle was
46、 nowhere more appreciated than in the Indian highlands. A weapon which would kill with accuracy at fifteen hundred yards opened a whole new vista of delights to every family or clan which could acquire it. One could actually remain in one“s own house and fire at one“s neighbour nearly a mile away. O
47、ne could lie in wait on some high crag, and at hitherto unheard-of ranges hit a horseman far below. Even villages could fire at each other without the trouble of going far from home. Fabulous prices were therefore offered for these glorious products of science. Rifle-thieves scoured all India to rei
48、nforce the efforts of the honest smuggler. A steady flow of the coveted weapons spread its genial influence throughout the frontier, and the respect which the Pathan tribesmen entertained for Christian civilization was vastly enhanced. The action of the British Government on the other hand was entir
49、ely unsatisfactory. The great organizing, advancing, absorbing power to the southward seemed to be little better than a monstrous spoil-sport. If the Pathan made forays into the plains, not only were they driven back (which after all was no more than fair), but a whole series of subsequent interferences took place, followed at intervals by expeditions which toiled laboriously through the valleys, scolding the tribesmen and exacting fines for any damage which they had done. No one would have minded these expeditions if they had simply come, had a fight an
