1、考博英语-4 及答案解析(总分：100.00，做题时间：90 分钟)一、BPart Reading (总题数：4，分数：20.00)The Supreme Courts decisions on physician-assisted suicide carry important implications for how medicine seeks to relieve dying patients of pain and suffering.Although it ruled that there is no constitutional right to physician-assist
2、ed suicide, the Court in effect supported the medical principle of “double effect, “a centuries-old moral principle holding that an action having two effectsa good one that is intended and a harmful one that is foreseenis permissible if the actor intends only the good effect.Doctors have used that p
3、rinciple in recent years to justify using high doses of morphine to control terminally iii patients pain, even though increasing dosages will eventually kill the patient. Nancy Dubler, director of Montefiore Medical Center, contends that the principle will shield doctors who “until now have very, ve
4、ry strongly insisted that they could not give patients sufficient mediation to control their pain if that might hasten death.“George Annas, chair of the health law department at Boston University, maintains that, as long as a doctor prescribes a drug for a legitimate medical purpose, the doctor has
5、done nothing illegal even if the patient uses the drug to hasten death. “Its like surgery,“ he says. “We dont call those deaths homicides because the doctors didnt intend to kill their patients, although they risked their death. If youre a physician, you can risk your patients suicide as long as you
6、 dont intend their suicide.“On another level, many in the medical community acknowledge that the assisted-suicide debate has been fueled in part by the despair of patients for whom modern medicine has prolonged the physical agony of dying.Just three weeks before the Courts ruling on physician-assist
7、ed suicide, the National Academy of Science (NAS) released a two-volume report, Approaching Death: Improving Care atthe End of Life. It identifies the under treatment of pain and the aggressive use of “ineffectual an forced medical procedures that may prolong and even dishonor the period of dying“ a
8、s the twi problems of end-of-life care.The profession is taking steps to require young doctors to train in hospices, to test knowledge of aggressive pain management therapies, to develop a medicare billing code for hospital-base care, and to develop new standards for assessing and treating pain at t
9、he end of life.Annas says lawyers can play a key role in insisting that these well-meaning medical initiative translate into better care. “Large numbers of physicians seem unconcerned with the pain their patients are needlessly and predictably suffering“, to the extent that it constitutes “systemati
10、c patient abuse“. He says medical licensing boards “must make it clear, that painful deaths are presumptively ones that are incompetently managed and should result in license suspension“.（分数：5.00）(1).From the first three paragraphs, we learn that _.（分数：1.00）A.doctors used to increase drug dosages to
11、 control their patients painB.it is still illegal for doctors to help the dying end their livesC.the Supreme Court strongly opposes physician-assisted suicideD.patients have no constitutional right to commit suicide(2).Which of the following is true according to the passage?（分数：1.00）A.Doctors will b
12、e held guilty if they risk their patients death.B.Modern medicine has assisted terminally iii patients in painless recovery.C.The Court ruled that high-dosage pain-relieving medication can be prescribed.D.A doctors medication is no longer justified by his intentions.(3).According to the NASs report,
13、 one of the problems in end-of-life care is_.（分数：1.00）A.prolonged medical proceduresB.inadequate treatment of painC.systematic drug abuseD.insufficient hospital care(4).Which of the following best defines the word “aggressive“?（分数：1.00）A.Bold.B.Harmful.C.Careless.D.Desperate.(5).George Annas would p
14、robably agree that doctors should be punished if they _.（分数：1.00）A.manage their patients incompetentlyB.give patients more medicine than neededC.reduce drug dosages for their patientsD.prolong the needless suffering of the patientsCould the bad old days of economic decline be about to return? Since
15、OPEC agreed to supply-cuts in March, the price of crude oil has jumped to almost $26 a barrel, up from less than$10 last December. Tbis near-tripling of oil prices calls up scary memories of the 1973 oil shock, when prices quadrupled, and 1979-1980, when they also almost tripled. Both previous shock
16、s resulted in double-digit inflation and global economic decline. So where are the headlines warning of gloom and doom this time?The oil price was given another push up this week when Iraq suspended oil exports. Strengthening economic growth, at the same time as winter grips the northern hemisphere,
17、 could push the price higher still in the short term.Yet there are good reasons to expect the economic consequences now to be less severe than in the 1970s. In most countries the cost of crude oil now accounts for a smaller share of the price of petrol than it did in the 1970s. In Europe, taxes acco
18、unt for up to four-fifths of the retail price, so even quite big changes in the price of crude have a more muted effect on pump prices than in the past.Rich economies are also less dependent on oil than they were, and so less sensitive to swings in the oil price. Energy conservation, a shift to othe
19、r fuels and a decline in the importance of heavy, energy-intensive industries have reduced oil consumption. Software, consultancy and mobile telephones use far less oil than steel or car production. For each dollar of GDP ( in constant prices) rich economies now use nearly 50% less oil than in 1973.
20、 The OECD estimates in its latest Economic Outlook that, if oil prices averaged $22 a barrel for a full year, compared with $13 in 1998, this would increase the oil import bill in rich economies by only 0.25% 0.5% of GDP. That is less than one-quarter of the income loss in 1974 or 1980. On the other
21、 hand, oil-importing emerging economiesto which heavy industry has shiftedhave become more energy-intensive, and so could be more seriously squeezed.One more reason not to lose sleep over the rise in oil prices is that, unlike the rises in the 1970s, it has not occurred against the background of gen
22、eral commodity-price inflation and global excess demand. A sizable port/on of the world is only just emerging from economic decline. The Economists commodity price index is broadly unchanging from a year ago. In 1973 commodity prices jumped by 70% , and in 1979 by almost 30%.（分数：5.00）(1).The main re
23、ason for the latest rise of oil price is _.（分数：1.00）A.global inflationB.reduction in supplyC.fast growth in economyD.Iraqs suspension of exports(2).It can be inferred from the passage that the retail price of petrol will go up dramatically if _.（分数：1.00）A.price of crude risesB.commodity prices riseC
24、.consumption risesD.oil taxes rise(3).The estimates in Economic Outlook show that in rich countries_.（分数：1.00）A.heavy industry becomes more energy-intensiveB.income loss mainly results from fluctuating crude oil pricesC.manufacturing industry has been seriously squeezedD.oil price changes have no si
25、gnificant impact on GDP(4).We can draw a conclusion from the passage that _.（分数：1.00）A.oil-price shocks are less shocking nowB.inflation seems irrelevant to oil-price shocksC.energy conservation can keep down the oil pricesD.the price rise of crude leads to the shrinking of heavy industry(5).From th
26、e passage we can see that the author seems _.（分数：1.00）A.optimisticB.sensitiveC.gloomyD.scaredThe founders of the Republic viewed their revolution primarily in political rather than economic or social terms. And they talked about education as essential to the public gooda goal that took precedence ov
27、er knowledge as occupational training or as a means to self-fulfillment or self-improvement. Over and over again the Revolutionary generation, both liberal and conservative in outlook, asserted its conviction that the welfare of the Republic rested upon an educated citizenry and that schools, especi
28、ally free public schools, would be the best means of educating the citizenry in civic values and the obligations required of everyone in a democratic republican society. All agreed that the principal ingredients of a civic education were literacy and the inculcation of patriotic and moral virtues, s
29、ome others adding the study of history and the study of principles of the republican government itself.The founders, as was the case of almost all their successors, were long on exhortation and rhetoric regarding the value of civic education, but they left it to the textbook writers to distill the e
30、ssence of those values for school children. Texts in American history and government appeared as early as the 1790s. The textbook, writers turned out to be very largely of conservative persuasion, more likely Federalist in outlook than Jeffersonian, and almost universally agreed that political virtu
31、e must rest upon moral and religious precepts. Since most textbook writers were New Englander, this meant that the texts were infused with Protestant and, above all, Puritan outlooks.In the first half of the Republic, civic education in the schools emphasized the inculcation of civic values and made
32、 little attempt to develop participatory political skills. That was a task left to incipient political parties, town meetings, churches and the coffee or ale houses where men gathered for conversation. Additionally as a reading of certain Federalist papers of the period would demonstrate, the press
33、probably did more to disseminate realistic as well as partisan knowledge of government than the schools. The goal of education, however, was to achieve a higher form of Unum (one out of many used on the Great Seal of the U.S. and on several U. S. coins) for the new Republic. In the middle half of th
34、e nineteenth century, the political values taught in the public and private schools did not change substantially from those celebrated in the first fifty years of the Republic. In the textbooks of the day their rosy hues if anything became golden. To the resplendent values of liberty, equality, and
35、a benevolent Christian morality were now added the middle-class virtuesespecially of New Englandof hard work, honesty and integrity, the rewards of individual effort, and obedience to parents and legitimate authority. But of all the political values taught in school, patriotism was preeminent; and w
36、henever teachers explained to school children why they should love their country above all else, the idea of liberty assumed pride of place.（分数：5.00）(1).The passage deals primarily with the _.（分数：1.00）A.content of early textbooks on American history and governmentB.role of education in late eighteen
37、th-and early to mid-nineteenth-century AmericaC.influence of New England Puritanism on early American valuesD.origin and development of the Protestant work ethic in modern America(2).The passage provides information that would be helpful in answering the question _.（分数：1.00）A.why a disproportionate
38、share of early American textbooks was written by New England authorsB.whether the Federalist Party was primarily a liberal or conservative force in early American politicsC.how many years of education the founders believe were sufficient to instruct young citizens in civic virtueD.what the names of
39、some of the Puritan authors who wrote early American textbooks were(3).The author states that textbooks written in the middle part of the nineteenth century_.（分数：1.00）A.departed radically in tone and style from earlier textbooksB.mentioned for the first time the value of libertyC.treated traditional
40、 civic virtues with even greater reverenceD.were commissioned by government agencies(4).Which of the following would LEAST likely have been the subject of an early American textbook ?（分数：1.00）A.Basic rules of English grammar.B.The American Revolution.C.Patriotism and other civic virtues.D.Vocational
41、 education.(5).The authors attitude towards the educational system she discusses can best be described as_.（分数：1.00）A.cynical and unpatrioticB.realistic and analyticalC.pragmatic and frustratedD.disenchanted and bitterWoodrow Wilson was referring to the liberal idea of the economic market when he sa
42、id that the free enterprise system is the most efficient economic system. Maximum freedom means maximum productiveness; our “openness“ is to be the measure of our stability. Fascination with this ideal has made Americans defy the “Old World“ categories of settled possessiveness versus unsettling dep
43、rivation, the cupidity of retention versus the cupidity of seizure, a “status quo“ defended or attacked. The United States, it was believed, had no status quo ante. Our only “station“ was the turning of a stationary wheel, spinning faster and faster. We did not base our system on property but opport
44、unitywhich meant we based it not on stability but on mobility. The more things changed, that is, the more rapidly the wheel turned, the steadier we would be. The conventional picture of class polities is composed of the Haves, who want a stability to keep what they have, and the Have-nots, who want
45、a touch of instability and change in which to scramble for the things they have not. But Americans imagined a condition in which speculators, self-makers, runners are always using the new opportunities given by our land. These economic leaders (front-runners) would thus be mainly agents of change. T
46、he nonstarters were considered the ones who wanted stability, a strong referee to give them some position in the race, a regulative hand to calm manic speculation; an authority that can call things to a halt, begin things again from compensatorily staggered “starting lines“.“Reform“ in America has b
47、een sterile because it can imagine no change except through the extension of this metaphor of a race, wider inclusion of competitors, “a piece of the action“, as it were, for the disenfranchised. There is no attempt to call off the race. Since our only stability is change, America seems not to honor
48、 the quiet work that achieves social interdependence and stability. There is, in our legends, no heroism of the office clerk, no stable industrial work force of the people who actually make the system work. There is no pride in being an employee (Wilson asked for a return to the time when everyone w
49、as an employer). There has been no boasting about our social workersthey are merely signs of the systems failure, of opportunity denied or not taken, of things to be eliminated. We have no pride in our growing interdependence, in the fact that our system can serve others, that we are able to help those in need; empty boasts from the past make us ashamed of our present achievements, make us try to forget or deny them, move away from them. There is no honor but in the Wonderland race we must all run, al
